Philly Neo-Nazi Member of New Jersey European Heritage Association (NJEHA) Exposed

from It’s Going Down & Twitter

[This post only contains information relevant to Philadelphia and the surrounding area, to read the entire articles follow the above links.]

Antifascists exposed the deeply racist and Philadelphia neo-Nazi, Jackson B. Bradley, as part of the New Jersey European Heritage Association. The group is known for a series of small, pathetic stunts around the Northeastern area. More info here.

DOB: 2/21/1998
(215) 687-7400

127 Elfreths Aly, Philadelphia, PA

Anti-Gentrification Action

Submission

I went to the site of a development project that intends to turn a half a block of vacant land into condos. Still in their early stages, I noticed they had recently begun the process of sectioning off the site for what I assumed to be marking the layout/foundation for building . They had installed a series of rebarb posts in the ground connected by strings, so I cut all the strings and removed all of the posts from the ground (minus 2 stubborn ones). The beams were pretty heavy so I threw them in a nearby dumpster burried under trash.
Hope they’re mad when they realize all the work they did was for nothing.

Touch the Sky: Stories, Subversions, & Complexities of Ferguson

from Facebook

A new video collage reflecting on the raw moments of the 2014 Ferguson riots. A film for the wild ones, the anarchists, and the dreamers…

More info: https://touchthesky.noblogs.org/

110 minutes followed by a short discussion

[January 11th 7-9PM at Wooden Shoe Books 704 South St]

Philly Noise Demo Reportback

Submission

Happy New Year Fuck the System!

On NYE in Philly about 20 anarchist gathered for a march and noise demo at the Federal Detention Center Downtown. At the meet up, after an overview of what to expect, what was planned, and flyers of potential chants were handed out, we set off toward the prison. Marching with a banner, we kept it tight and let people in the streets know what we were doing. We walked on the sidewalk until we realized we didn’t need to. A federal building and indigo bike rental kiosk were tagged by the time we arrived at the prison. Once there, someone tagged ‘Burn Prisons’ on the FDC lolol! We lit off fireworks, smoke bombs, banged flags and pots and sang and shouted solidarity to the prisoners inside, and insults to the cops gathered around us. It was really cool this year to interact with those inside, to see them flashing lights and hear them banging on windows. After 30-45 minutes we took our leave, throwing fliers in our wake. The cops, who had started gathering at the prison, followed us. We had planned for a group fare evasion at the subway as our exit, but with the police breathing down our necks we dispersed in the street instead. Eventually we lost the trails of the cops and made our ways home safely. Some of us even had a funny serendipitous group fare evasion with some strangers, who in seeing us not pay decided they wouldn’t pay either! Yay for the spread of anarchy!
Compared to last year we feel a lot has improved. Whereas last year we were rushed out of our meetup by the appearance of a park cop, this time we had a chance to discuss the action together and share supplies. Security felt tighter also, people’s outfits were secretive and no one was taking photos. Also this year we could really feel a shift in group morale. There was a lot more laughter and joy. We though our chants were funnier and more on point (rather than empty flexes). Maybe most importantly we were able to see and be seen by the people locked up, we saw lights and silhouttes in the windows and could hear them clearing lulls in the noise.
The things we wish went different were: our speaker wasn’t loud enough to play music, our dispersal was sloppy (we feel like it is always hard to predict dispersals/exits but could be worthwhile have multiple plans/multiple backup plans and discuss them in advance), and we could have took the streets a little harder. Overall though, we thought it went well.
We hope this report back is helpful in forming even better strategies in the future. It’s cool to reflect on our strengths and weaknesses and make adjustments over the years.

Shout out to the anarchists who were busy wrecking the nazi supporting bar mill creek tavern on nye!

RIP Kitty

Happy 2020 lets fuck shit uP!!




New Year’s Eve reportback

Submission

We don’t know if there was a noise demo this year, if there was we didn’t roll up. But we took our fireworks and had a great little new year’s party to pregame our own action. Nearly every window at Millcreek Tavern has been gloriously smashed out, costing that scumbag ex cop owner ballpark 7 to 10 grand in replacements, if the figure he dropped in a radio show after the last time one was broken, of $1,500 a window is accurate. There’s something beautiful to be said about crewing up with yr friends and lovers, and just goddamn going harder than you already have. Also 2 nights ago, we found where the Drexel buses sleep at night, and swiftly disabled one entirely, slashing tires with an awl, finding out it was goddamn left open, and spraypainting all the windows and windshields from the inside. Rapid gentrification by universities can be combatted; all it takes is creativity, small crews, and some easily fucking procured tools. Double paned quarter inch reinforced windows take about 2 to 3 solid smacks with a hammer to bring down entirely, in a beautiful cascade of glass. Happy new year y’all, here’s to a lawless 2020.

Signed-
A weary, happy, gay anarchist crew

“They Try to Pit Everybody Against Everybody”: Interview with a Member of the Student Labor Action Project

from It’s Going Down

Interview from the Radical Education Department about the Student Labor Action Project (SLAP) in Philadelphia.

By Ivanna Berrios and Jason Koslowski

The 2019-2020 academic year is in full swing. And that means it’s time to think seriously about how we’ll build up radical campus struggles this year.

The following is Part 4 of the Campus Power Project, a series of interviews and writings about building radical, bottom-up class power on and across college campuses. For Part 1, see this; for Part 2, see this; for Part 3, see this.

INTRODUCTION TO THE INTERVIEW

In this interview, I spoke with Ivanna Berrios, a sophomore as well as an organizer with the Student Labor Action Project (SLAP) at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia

SLAP is an organization that aims to build student-worker power “for the transformation of our community and material conditions to create a better reality” at Penn.

Ivanna explores key issues like:

  • Ways to build radical solidarity between students and other kinds of campus workers
  • Ways of grappling with retention, since many students leave for the summer and some of the most seasoned organizers graduate after a few years
  • The tactics that college admins use to divide organizers against each other
  • And SLAP’s unique answer to the dilemma of university funding

Since this interview during the spring semester last academic year SLAP has continued to develop, with changes in leadership and a focus on researching the working and learning conditions on campus. But the piece offers a snapshot of that ongoing development and SLAP’s efforts to develop student-worker power on campus.

JK: The Student Labor Action Project, or SLAP, has a longer history at Penn. Where did this most recent revival come from? What issue sparked it?

IB: SLAP has been officially on Penn’s campus since 1999. And they’ve done a lot of really great things in the past. They helped the dining hall workers gain a union—that’d be Teamsters 929—and also really involved in the campaign calling for Penn to pay PILOT [payment in lieu of taxes]].

In the past couple of years, it was mainly spearheaded by upperclassman, so when those upperclassmen graduated, SLAP membership kind of atrophied. It never really disbanded officially, it just had different waves of resurgence.

And the most recent wave that I’ve been involved in really started a couple of months ago in February, because the director of Penn Dining stopped permitting the celebration of Black History Month. This was in response to controversy at U Chicago and other campuses, where the celebrations were considered stereotypical. That was their claimed reasons for not allowing the campus workers to celebrate, even though the workers themselves said that they did want to do things for Black History Month.

One of our core members of SLAP, Michelle, is very very close friends with some of the dining hall workers. She was hearing their grievances, so we organized a direct action on campus just to show solidarity to say that we saw how Penn Dining was disrespecting the wishes of the dining hall workers.

That was back in February, but that wasn’t officially SLAP. We did a rally on campus where the dining hall workers spoke about how Black History Month is important to them, and how they were upset that Penn wasn’t allowing them to celebrate it or acknowledge it. And that basically kick-started a conversation about how Penn doesn’t listen to the dining hall workers in general, about their disrespect in the workplace. We started learning more about subcontracted labor. Penn subcontracts through Bon Appetit for certain dining halls, and the Bon Appetit workers are not technically Penn employees. And those workers are underpaid. They’re disrespected. They don’t get health benefits and education benefits. And then we connected to Villanova USAS, United Students Against Sweatshops. They really helped us a lot in providing a blueprint for how to restart an organization. We had organizing workshops and we did flyering and outreach.

So the most recent resurgence of SLAP had was catalyzed by the Black History Month event, and then it was Villanova USAS that fanned the flames, and we became an independent collective of students who were trying to continue SLAP’s legacy of working in tandem with the workers.

JK: What do you see as SLAP’s basic goals, both short-term and long-term?

IB: This semester we’ve been focusing on relationship-building, direct actions, and education. A lot of students on campus don’t realize that [campus] workers are being exploited to the extent that they are. So it’s been a lot of flyering, a lot of getting direct quotes and numbers from the dining hall workers. That’s our plan for now for the summer, research and building a base of people who support us.

Next semester [in fall 2019], we’re hoping to launch a direct campaign of antagonizing the administration, to get Penn to apply pressure to Bon Appetit. Because Bon Appetit is headquartered in California, so it’s really hard to apply pressure directly. Among our long term goals is to end all subcontracted labor on campus. It’s not just Bon Appetit, Bon Appetit is just what we focused on. But there are other subcontracted workers, and they’re also facing similar issues: they don’t receive the same benefits that direct Penn employees do. And we also talked about eventually having a living wage campaign so that every worker on campus would have a living wage, including grad students, including cleaning services. A long term goal is definitely to branch out into all types of workers on campus.

JK: Sometimes it seems as though there’s a tendency for campus struggles to focus mostly, or only, on direct actions like sit-ins. But SLAP is taking a more careful and long-term approach. Why focus on the slower base-building instead of focusing mostly on flashier tactics like a sit-in?

IB: Because we were working in tandem with the workers. We always want to consider what they want and what they feel comfortable with and the timeline they foresee. Right now, if we were to escalate without having a base, and just go out and have our small group of people who really believe in the cause, then there really would be a chance of backlash on the workers.

And it’s because our goals are so long term, so big. Eventually we want to end all subcontracted labor. We’re trying to see how we can build to that, and not just assume we can get that off the bat. Because it is a little unrealistic to think that we could just show up to the president’s office and demand that they end subcontracted labor.

I remember talking to a former slap member, Devon. She said, “Don’t launch a campaign unless you know you’ll have a good probability of winning.” That really stuck with me.

JK: So do you think it’s important to organize mostly around one particular campaign on a campus?

IB: Well, a problem that has faced SLAP in the past is that it has always been very it’s been very specifically campaign-oriented like other campus groups. It’s been its strength in that it always has a forward-thinking vision and there’s always the next thing to move on to. But it also means that once a campaign is over, regardless of success, the group will lose its audience after the campaign, because that was what was driving the whole group.

So we’re trying to make sure that that doesn’t happen to us, by having campaign after campaign rather than just one long enduring campaign. We want to make sure that it’s a succession, so that people don’t lose the group once the first campaign ends like they have in the past.

JK: The SLAP revival came through a member’s connection to the dining hall workers. How did your comrade make that connection? It can be tough on a campus to connect students and campus staff, since they’re (intentionally, it seems) kept so isolated from each other.

IB: Actually, the relationship was very organic. This member’s name is Michelle and she is a senior right now. So she’s had a lot of time to get to know the dining hall workers. And she’s also very outgoing and very friendly. She just happened to frequent one of the dining halls that subcontracted workers—Hillel—a good amount. And then through that she befriended the dining hall workers. And it’s funny enough, a lot of students don’t know a lot about the conditions of the workers, though a lot of students do form those organic relationships, just because, especially as freshmen, they see the dining workers every day, and they ask “Hi, how are you?” I wouldn’t say the majority 04:04 of students do that, because a lot of students at Penn can be very elitist and dehumanizing, and just see them as invisible sources of labor that can feed them. But there are definitely another group of people.

What differentiated Michelle was that she is very politically radical. Um, and I would say most of Core is. And so through those organic conversations— “Hi, how was your day”—it would come up: “Oh, this is happening.” One of the dining hall workers’ son was shot by police. He’s OK now, he had to go through a lot of physical therapy. But it was a really large financial strain on the family, and Michelle started a Go Fund Me to raise money, not necessarily from an organizing standpoint.

Something SLAP has really been trying to work on is building those relationships, so that we don’t have just one point person who’s friends with the dining hall workers while the rest of us don’t really know them. So we’ve been pairing up core members with dining hall workers, having them text them, reminding them about events to come out to, reminding them about meetings. We had a pot luck recently which some of the dining hall workers came to. It wasn’t even a structured meeting, we just all brought food and hung out. We’re just trying to build up those relationships.

Actually, though, that dining hall worker had been involved with SLAP for a long time. He’s a big leader among the dining hall workers at Hillel. And so he goes to all our meetings, or most of our meetings and he knows former SLAP members, and he’s familiar with Teamsters 929, and so just being friends with him really opened the door for us.

JK: I know this was an organic, almost accidental connection with the dining hall workers. But I also see a method coming out of this connection: finding ways to help break break down the walls of separation between students and campus workers, in more informal ways (everyday conversation, potlucks) and more formal ways (shared meetings). And then helping develop those relationships in more political directions.

IB: Yeah, that was really important for us. There’s a power imbalance between the students and the workers, and we didn’t want it to say, “We are the Student Labor Action Project, we have come to save you!” and have the workers say, “Who the fuck are you?” So we really tried to focus on building those relationships,

It is a friendship, but it’s also a politicized friendship. Because we really needed them to trust us for them to tell us the details of what was happening in their working conditions. I don’t think we could’ve done that without that organic process. I think it was founded upon just seeing the humanity and not necessarily seeing them as political subjects that we have to radicalize. That I think can sometimes be a perspective that some organizers and leftists take, and it comes from a good place, but it can be dehumanizing.

We first built those relationships with the dining hall worker, who like I said is a natural leader, and with a shop steward, and they tell the other workers. So there’s also that other element, where they trust us because they trust their fellow workers and those workers trust us. Because we can’t get to every worker, realistically. But we can get to the leaders in the workplaces who other co-workers trust.

JK: One of the major tactics that admins use against campus organizers is to pit different kinds of campus workers against each other: students against campus staff, staff with more benefits against staff with less benefits, and so on. Can you say how SLAP is trying to bridge gaps between those kinds of workers?

IB: Yeah, they’ve even been trying to pit students against students. We were recently in a meeting with Pam, the director of dining hall operations at Penn, as well as one person from the united minority students council, one person from Lambda, which is the umbrella LGBTQ group, one person from the umbrella African American students’ group, and one person from the Latina coalition. The meeting was in regards to the Black History Month event. We spoke to the people from the other student groups before the meeting, luckily. And we were able to see that most of them were on our side.

Pam didn’t want to talk about labor, she wanted to talk about diversity, and how they could be more culturally sensitive in the future. And every time SLAP would bring up the general disrespect of the admin towards the workers, she would say, “Oh, I think you need to stop derailing the meeting. Let’s see what [the other student representatives] think.” And they were like, “We support them!” Basically, the admins are trying to pit our group, the radical wing, against the more moderate, “reasonable” student body representatives, and it didn’t work, luckily. Because we had spoken to them and had them on our side first. They try to pit everybody against everybody, in any possible way, just to make sure we’re not talking to each other and not antagonizing them.

JK: That highlights how crucial it is for organizers to be reaching out and connecting to different kinds of student groups before confronting the bosses, so that admins can’t weaponize the idea of “diversity” against campus workers.

IB: The administration will use it as a weapon against grievances in general. Because after the meeting, then, they can say, “Oh, we met with students, we got their insight,” even if students didn’t necessarily walk away from the meeting feeling listened to or felt like we made any progress. And that’s definitely been a trend in the past. Someone actually brought that up in the meeting. Someone from the Lambda Alliance brought that up as a concern, saying “I just want to make sure you [admins] don’t release a statement saying that you met with us and listened to our concerns. Because I don’t feel like we’re being listened to.”

JK: What’s been the most effective tactic for building up SLAP so far, for getting more people in?

IB: I think the most successful has been our worker/student meetings, where um the workers come to meetings and we talk about their conditions and talk about what they want changed. And I think those have been the most successful in getting people invested. Afterwards we try to follow up with people, especially new people after the meetings. For the most part, those meetings have been the ones where people say, “I didn’t realize the extent of the exploitation, and hearing it directly from the workers was really, it really changed things for me, and I really want to get involved.” We’re not trying to slip into a purely emotional plea. It’s more that, when you see the anger of the workers and the frustrations of the workers, and you see them face to face, and you ask them questions, and you learn more personally, it makes you feel a lot more connected to the struggle, not just seeing it on paper. I think that has been the most successful at broadening our base.

JK: Can you say a word about the problem of student retention? One of the things I’ve run into organizing on campuses is that students go away for the summer, and some of the most experienced people graduate each year. What are ways to deal with this issue?

IB: That’s the biggest pitfalls to organizing. It’s cyclical. And it’s just so hard to keep people. What we’ve been trying to do is make a lot of spreadsheets to keep information on people. I mean that sounds creepy, but we’re really trying to make sure we don’t lose people. So we’ve been keeping track of who’s going to stay over the summer, we’re focusing on them. we’ve been keeping track of freshmen and sophomores, and we’ve been focusing on them for the one on ones and the follow up texts.

And we also try to build connections among the students themselves, because a lot of times, a lot of groups on campus can feel really pre-professional or depersonalized or can feel you’re only in it to add to your resume. So we had a potluck just yesterday where we all just hang out. And we try to just hang out and be friends and keep ourselves accountable to each other in that way. Especially core [members]. We weren’t even friends before but now we’re all tight. We would almost force it at the beginning: we’d be like, “OK, we have to build community, let’s hang out.” So we’ve just been trying to make sure that people feel invested because there are hundreds of student groups you could join and people are always juggling them.

JK: And I would think that because of this issue of retention, it’s especially important to build long-lasting relationships with campus staff workers who live in Philly, since they’re going to be longer term than a four year student, and they are around in the summers, too.

IB: Yeah. That dining hall worker I mentioned has been an important and a really great resource. And like he’s been a great resource because he was involved with SLAP earlier and then when all the momentum from SLAP graduated, he was still there. And so when this new resurgence of SLAP happened, he was there to help us out, using his past experience of working with the students.

JK: Another issue for campus organizers is funding. Groups face a dilemma. They can be officially recognized, and so get funding from the college—but that comes with faculty oversight and can blunt a struggle’s more radical edge. Or they can refuse to be recognized, but give up college funding, which could have helped a group grow and develop. How has SLAP navigated the problem of funding?

IB: We’re acknolwdged by the university—-but we’re different from other student groups, in that we don’t get funding from the university. So we don’t necessarily have faculty advisers.

We don’t want to be tied up with that type of bureaucracy. But at the same time we do indirectly receive money, just because some groups really support our message. They’ll get funding and give to us, kind of secretly. They’ll get funding to buy food for an “event” they’re having, but the event they’re having is to have us. So we’re not necessarily “clean” from university money but we are trying to avoid those those complications.

Anarchy Afternoons presents Bee Movie

from Facebook

Someone said Bee Movie had anarchist themes. We are going to screen this movie for no other reason than to find out. And maybe it’s funny?

It’s the last Anarchy Afternoon of the year!

Open hours begins at 3:00
Movie at 3:30

[December 20th at A-Space 4722 Baltimore Ave]

Winter Solstice Card Party for Political Prisoners

from Philly ABC

Join Philly Anarchist Black Cross for a Winter Solstice Card Party on Monday, 12/23, 6:30pm-8:30pm, at A-Space! (4722 Baltimore Ave)

We will send cards and warm wishes to our friends and comrades inside. Maintaining and building relationships with them is the crux of what we do, so we will be sending cards to U.S.-held PPs and POWs. Light refreshments will be provided and folks are welcome to come use the time as a regularly scheduled time to correspond with current penpals inside prison as well.

We will also be mailing birthday cards to those who have birthdays in January: Fran Thompson (3rd), Jeremy Hammond (8th), Abdul Azeez (9th), Sundiata Acoli (13th), Joseph “Joe-Joe” Bowen (15th), and Marius Mason (25th),

Anarchy Afternoons: Greece 2008 films

from Facebook

On December 6, 2008, Greek police shot and killed Alexandros Grigoropoulos, sparking widespread riots. These riots unfolded in the wake of the financial crash that year and were fueled by a large anarchist milieu centered around the Exarcheia neighborhood in Athens.

This Friday we will watch films about these events and learn more about the anarchists in Greece. We will also discuss the present situation in Greece, which has seen a slew of police raids of squats in recent months.

Films include “Potentiality for Storming Heaven,” Sub.media clips, and others.

Open Hours 3pm
Films 3:30

[December 13 at A-Space 4722 Baltimore Ave]

Phone Zap for Obadiah Miller

from Twitter


Former Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo statue vandalized again

from Mainstream Media

Former Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo statue vandalized again

The statue of former Philadelphia Mayor Frank L. Rizzo across from City Hall has been vandalized again.

Police are investigating after the word fascist was found painted overnight on the suit jacket of the 2,000-pound, 10-foot-tall bronze statue outside the Municipal Services Building. A sticker with the logo of Eagles quarterback Carson Wentz’s AO1 foundation also was placed in the hand of the statue’s upraised arm.

A sticker with the logo of Carson Wentz's AO1 Foundation was placed on the hand of the Frank Rizzo statue in front of the Municipal Services Building in Philadelphia.

Workers removed the paint and the sticker Monday morning.

After learning of the incident, the faith-based AO1 Foundation issued a statement saying it did not “condone any acts of vandalism.”

The statue of the controversial former mayor and police commissioner was vandalized in 2017 when black activist Wali Rahman spray painted “Black Power” on the statue. Charges against Rahman were later dropped after he agreed to perform 50 hours of community service.

The statue has been a flash point in the city’s racial politics for many years. Opponents say it represents an era in which a tough-talking, law-and-order mayor discriminated against minorities and gays. Supporters have argued that Rizzo was tough on law-and-order issues, but not a racist.

Mayor Jim Kenney announced in 2017 that the statue would be moved to a new location. That move is set for 2021. No location has been chosen.

What happened after word spread that the Proud Boys did karaoke in a West Philly bar

from Mainstream Media

What happened after word spread that the Proud Boys did karaoke in a West Philly bar

So a group of people armed with Proud Boys swag walk into a West Philly bar.

Among the string of events that happened next: a boycott, a meltdown in online review sections, an interview on conservative talk radio, a projectile through a window, a complaint about Antifa, and a karaoke master who says he’ll never return.

It’s been a long couple of weeks for the Millcreek Tavern.

The West Philadelphia dive bar has been under fire and called a haven for hate by both longtime patrons and people who have never set foot in the place since Nov. 15. That’s when a group maybe affiliated with the Proud Boys, a far-right organization designated as a hate group, showed up for the weekly karaoke night and left their branded materials — including a mouse pad and fliers — lying around.

It wasn’t the first time the Millcreek Tavern and its owner, Jack Gillespie, have made headlines. In 2017, the bar was in the news for apparently booking a metal band known for its anti-Semitic lyrics. Once folks caught wind of the concert, they flooded the bar with phone calls and the show was canceled — Gillespie says it was a big misunderstanding.

He took a similar tack this time around, posting on Millcreek’s Facebook page three days after the incident that he had no idea who the Proud Boys were when there were concerns they were inside his bar. Then he wrote that the group wasn’t actually the Proud Boys at all, but from Turning Point USA, a conservative student organization.

Philadelphia Proud Boys’ only response to The Inquirer was to say “Lol boycotting?” via email and point out that someone threw something through the Millcreek window. TPUSA’s local chapter didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Gillespie, for his part, said he acted in good faith and doesn’t know what he’d do if the Proud Boys came back. He said that he might ask them to drink somewhere else, but also that he’s “not going to discriminate” and believes in their First Amendment rights.

The Proud Boys are self-identified “Western chauvinists” and designated by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a “general hate” group. Its male-only members have espoused anti-Muslim and misogynistic rhetoric.

Some of the group’s members have been aligned with extremists and appeared at the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., that promoted white supremacy and neo-Nazism and resulted in the death of Heather Heyer. Two of the group’s members were convicted earlier this year of attempted gang assault for taking part in a violent brawl in New York, while others reportedly made a threatening late-night visit to the Philadelphia home of a critic.

Gillespie said the bar got a phone call on Nov. 15 from someone claiming they wanted to bring in a group of Republicans to partake in karaoke. No problem, Gillespie said. He was in the bar starting at about 9:30 p.m. and saw two groups, each of about 10 people, that he didn’t recognize. They were “well-behaved,” he said, and drank, ate, and did karaoke. He noticed there was “a Proud Boy file” and “a Proud Boy logo” on one of his tables, but said he hadn’t heard of the group and thought nothing of it.

Gillespie said he went to bed around 1 a.m. and the night was without incident.

Others at the Millcreek that night remember it differently, including Vashti Bandy, a writer and liberal activist who lives in South Philly. She’s faithfully sung karaoke at Millcreek every Friday for at least six years. In 2017, Bandy gave Gillespie the benefit of the doubt and publicly defended Millcreek during the anti-Semitic-metal-band debacle.

Her loyalty was for the same reasons that made this whole incident sort of unexpected: The bar attracts a crowd that’s diverse in every way imaginable. It’s a stone’s throw from the yoga studios and vegan snack shops on Baltimore Avenue. And this is West Philly we’re talking about — Gillespie, on a radio show, called it a “bastion of liberalism,” and few would argue.

Bandy was in the bar with a group of friends and regulars when they spotted the literature. Among the materials on one table: a folder with fliers and a mouse pad that said “Philadelphia Proud Boys.” On an adjacent table were signs and stickers with TPUSA literature, including stickers and buttons with slogans like “Socialism Sucks” and “Yay for 2a,” a reference to the Second Amendment.

Patrons of the Millcreek Tavern found materials related to the Proud Boys, a far-right hate group, on tables at the bar on Nov. 15. Since then, the bar has lost regular patrons and its longtime karaoke master while groups online have flooded its reviews.

Then Bandy saw a group of about 10 white men clad in golf shirts and khaki pants. They stuck out like sore thumbs. The normal Friday-night crowd is “a mixed group,” Bandy said, “but they’re not generally the khaki-pants-golf type.”

Bandy, 40, said she then got on stage and, into the microphone while Gillespie was nearby, dedicated Lily Allen’s “F— You” to “the Proud Boys” and said something to the effect of: “We know who you are. Get out of the bar.” The group went upstairs.

Meanwhile, regular patrons alerted bar employees that there was a possible hate group in the house, and conferred with Stanley Gravitt, a karaoke administrator who’s been running the Friday-night show at Millcreek for six or seven years. Gravitt, who said he was fearful partly because he is black, said he felt unsafe and uncomfortable all night long.

And that night was only the beginning.

Gravitt, 39, said he won’t be returning. Ditto for some of the Friday-night regulars. Bandy said she can’t support a business “that at best cannot be bothered to have basic respect for regular clientele to do a minimum level of vetting to make sure you’re not bringing in hate groups.”

Online mobs on both sides flooded Millcreek’s Facebook and Yelp pages with reviews, leading to arguments in the comments. Yelp temporarily disabled posts to Millcreek’s page due to “unusual activity.”

A screenshot from Yelp showing the website suspended posts to Millcreek Tavern's Yelp page following a flood of reviews over the last couple weeks.

And a few days after the incident, Gillespie woke to find someone had thrown something heavy and metal through the front window of the bar. Police confirmed a report of vandalism was filed on Nov. 20.

Without proof, Gillespie has blamed Antifa, a loosely defined, leftist, antifascist organization that’s a frequent presence at protests in Philadelphia. Antifa has before engaged in physical confrontations with people it believes are fascists or Nazis. (SPLC says it doesn’t consider Antifa a hate group because it doesn’t “promote hatred based on race, religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation or gender identity.”)

And then Gillespie stoked more outrage when he appeared a week after the incident on “The Dean Malik Show,” a local conservative talk radio program on Talk 860 WWDB-AM, and didn’t apologize or condemn the Proud Boys.

Malik defended the Proud Boys, saying organizations like the SPLC have “started supporting the cause of the progressive left.” To end the segment, he encouraged listeners to go to the Millcreek Tavern “and have a big, big, tall glass of freedom while you’re there.”

Bandy said she and her friends will be having their glasses of freedom elsewhere.

“This was not some random death metal band that no one has ever heard of,” she said. “Charlottesville made it abundantly clear to me who the Proud Boys are and what they are about.”

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Anathema Volume 5 Issue 7

from Anathema

Volume 5 Issue 7 (PDF for reading 8.5×11)

Volume 5 Issue 7 (PDF for printing 11×17)

In this issue:

  • Global Insurrection
  • Pink Wave
  • What Went Down
  • Ring And The New Policing
  • Lasers!!!
  • During The Quiet
  • Sean Bonney Poem (Confessions 2)
  • Interview: 10 Years After The UC Occupations
  • Response to “Property Destruction Is Not Enough”
  • Pinkerton
  • Bomb Scares
  • End The Abatement?

Benefit Show!

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Doors at 7:30
$5-$10 suggested donation benefitting Occupy PHA and Philly Anarchist Black Cross

[December 13 7:30-11PM at Gilbert’s Shoes 1652 Ridge Ave]