Nothing for Snitches: For a Revolutionary Anti-Repression

  • July 20, 2026 1:36 am

Submission

“The paramount issue is the character and integrity of the movements we are building. We must confront, vilify, and destroy traitors at every opportunity; deal with them as the dehumanized vipers that they are; instill ‘the greater fear.’ The political terms must always be clear: discredit and destroy all traitors.” – Sekou Odinga, Kuwasi Balagoon, Judy Clark, David Gilbert, Silvia Baraldini

In the wake of draconian sentences handed down to the Prairieland 8, each ranging from 30 to 100 years, much has been said about the role of Trump’s NSPM-7 in establishing new repressive tools for criminalizing activism. Less discussed has been the critical role of cooperation—by at least 6 of the Prairieland defendants—in securing these devastating convictions. While the terrain of repression is ever changing, what remains evergreen is our most powerful tool of anti-repression: the principle of non-cooperation with the state.

This statement is a call for unity against the forces that would nip any nascent revolutionary movement in the bud by suffocating its most basic survival instinct with equivocation about the need to keep out snitches. From its inception, the DFW Support Committee has chosen to include the cooperator Meagan Morris in its collective prisoner support effort, against the objections and concerns of many in the movement. Despite this controversy, the “anti-repression collective” known as Fire Ant Movement Defense has lent DFW significant media support, helping them popularize the “Prairieland 9,” despite there only being 8 non-cooperating defendants.

On July 7, 2026, Fire Ant published an essay called “Manufactured Betrayal” in CrimethInc. which serves as a justification for their practice. The piece proposes the possibility of an “off-ramp” for snitches, focusing in particular on Meagan Morris as an example of someone who “restore[d] their commitment to struggle” after informing on their comrades. By publishing this snitch apologia—along with Eric King’s rebuttal “No Way Home”[1] four days later—CrimethInc. has presented the question of if snitches should be welcomed back into the movement as if it is a debate with two sides—it is not.

By taking this position, these formations are setting the precedent that people can cooperate with the state and continue to receive the support of collective movement resources. We can only assume that welcoming snitches back into the fold is a position that DFW, Fire Ant, and CrimethInc. will continue putting into practice.

Meanwhile, those of us serious about building a revolutionary movement must unite around a collective commitment to the principle of non-cooperation. As a political, strategic, and ethical practice that prioritizes the collective movement over the individual, it is our only hope of withstanding escalating repression. Compromising on this principle destroys our basic capacity for self-defense. There can be no revolution without solidarity, and solidarity has no meaning without a commitment to non-cooperation.

– The Facts of the Situation –

Fire Ant claims that it is a strategic decision to bring cooperators back into the movement:

“At this moment, thousands of inexperienced new participants are flooding  into the fight for liberation. We probably won’t be able to educate all of them before they find themselves in confrontations with the state. Some of them will experience intense repression designed to scare them into cooperating before they fully understand the political implications, the options available to them, or their basic rights. When they find themselves staring down the barrel of a gun, some may well say something they shouldn’t. If we immediately make permanent enemies of everyone who do so, this may further endanger others.”[2]

This, however, is a complete distortion of the facts of Morris’ betrayal, and is the exact opposite of a strategic decision in relation to cooperators. To address the dangerous position of allowing snitches to enter back into the movement that they have betrayed, we must first address how this is a complete minimization of the extent of Morris’ cooperation.

According to her statement to law enforcement, Morris joined the Socialist Rifle Association in 2020 and learned of the noise demo from a Signal chat she joined “years ago after attending a protest.”[3] In another Signal chat that members suspected of being infiltrated, she stated that “if there are 4 or more liberals in a chat, there’s likely law enforcement.” This demonstrates that not only had she been active in movement spaces long before the noise demo on July 4, 2025, but she was also well-acquainted with movement norms regarding antagonism towards informants and agents of the state.[4]

Furthermore, the information law enforcement credits Morris with sharing could only have come from someone known and trusted by others as a comrade. By weaponizing the information she had been privy to in order to save her own skin, she became a willing accomplice in the state’s effort to construct a conspiracy narrative, which relies on criminalizing our relationships to each other.

Contrary to Fire Ant’s narrative of cooperators caving under “repeated torture,” Morris waived her Miranda rights and began snitching on her comrades within hours of her arrest.[5] Law enforcement credits her with identifying Autumn Hill, who was her live-in partner at the time and had not yet been apprehended.[6] Hill was arrested the next day on July 5, 2025, during a raid on the home she and Morris shared.[7] Morris also helped identify Joy “Rowan” Gibson and Benjamin “Champagne” Song, who she claimed to have met online and invited to her home before driving the group to the noise demo.[8]

While Song was still on the run, Morris provided additional information which led to their capture. She helped locate Rebecca Morgan—who law enforcement suspected of transporting and sheltering Song—by naming Morgan’s workplace and linking her identity to her Signal handle. The next day, an FBI SWAT team raided Morgan’s home, where they apprehended Song and took them into custody.[9] However, Morris’ betrayal did not end there.

In a follow up interview Morris requested after her initial statement, she linked the gunshots fired on July 4, 2025 outside the Prairieland Detention Center to Song, claiming that the sound was consistent with a binary trigger he had on his rifle. She also suggested that the shooting was premeditated, and that Song had intended to use the demo as cover:

“I don’t think it was an accident. A person set things up to have cover… I felt disgust and betrayal.”

“My suspicion is Song wanted to do this the whole time. To shoot someone. Have us all there with our guns… [his] jackoff fantasy… and get away.”[10]

Not only did she help deliver Song into the hands of the state, she actively contributed to its narrative of “attempted murder” in an attempt to scapegoat her former comrade. Furthermore, her “admission” to the existence of a coordinated plan serves as the linchipn for the state’s conspiracy dragnet, which attempts to link a loose network of comrades, friends, partners, and unaffiliated individuals in a “coordinated ambush” involving the shooting of a law enforcement officer:

“One of the suspects, Meagan Morris, admitted this was a planned protest of the detention facility that was coordinated online [emphasis ours] with numerous subjects bringing weapons, firearms, body armor, ballistic helmets, face shields, tourniquets and extra magazines and ammunition.”[11]

There would have been no “conspiracy” if not for the cooperators constructing such according to the wishes of the state. Far from a minor misstep which can be reversed via an “off ramp,” Morris’ cooperation was an essential element in the state’s case against the Prairieland defendants, without which her comrades Joy “Rowan” Gibson, Benjamin “Champagne” Song, Rebecca Morgan, and her own partner Autumn Hill might still be free. The extent of the damage she did was only possible because she had been trusted by those engaging in action alongside her. We have nothing to gain and everything to lose by making that mistake again.

– DFW Commitee’s Role –

The DFW Support Committee has decided to include the cooperator Meagan Morris in the court and prisoner support efforts, alongside the non-cooperating defendants. The DFW Committee offered no clarity or transparency as to who had cooperated and when they did so until January of 2026, shortly before the trial began. All of this information, however, was already available in the criminal complaints and other court documents released publicly in the early stages of the case. That cooperation had happened was a known fact, as well as the identities of the cooperators, and what specifically they had done. When slogans like the “Free the Prairieland 19” began circulating from the DFW Support Committee while paperwork revealed that 6 had already cooperated, people were left to wonder whether or not the cooperating defendants were receiving support. Fire Ant entered early on into the effort to gather public support for this case, while themselves being silent about the extent of the cooperation, as well as which defendants were receiving support.

While these concerns continued to circulate as more informed parties attempted to address these formations that were generating support, a story began to circulate that Morris had admitted she had made a mistake, and had re-committed to her co-defendants. When the DFW Support Committee began to attempt to rehabilitate Morris’ betrayal just before the trial, no insight was offered into what her reversal actually entailed in practice. It is still the case, however, that Morris’ actions before this reversal had already stolen people’s lives and aided the construction of the legal fiction of the “Antifa cell” that the state will now use at its will against anyone. The damage cannot be undone.

– No Room for Cooperators –

We have demonstrated that what Morris did was beyond the pale, and that there is no strategic reason for the pro-cooperator position of Fire Ant in the Prairieland case. But what about beyond this case? Can we ever allow someone who has betrayed the solidarity of their comrades to return? Fire Ant offers this answer:

“We must ask ourselves what we can offer defendants who have erred but  have yet to decide whether to continue to assist the state. If we cannot offer those who have begun to cooperate any incentive to stop doing so, that all but ensures that once someone starts cooperating, they will become a permanent addition to the state’s arsenal against us.”[12]

The problem with this, however, is that once someone cooperates, they have already become a permanent part of the state’s arsenal against us. Whether through informing on co-defendants, complying with a grand jury subpoena, or helping police identify other targets in order to take the heat off themselves, cooperators hand the state information that can and will be weaponized against the movement indefinitely. Once this is done, deterrence or reversal is not a possibility. In the Prairieland case, the only way to mitigate the damage done by Meagan Morris’ cooperation was for her co-defendants to challenge her credibility in court. By maintaining unity with her and standing trial together, they were left with no avenue to discredit her statements, thus compromising their ability to defend themselves.

Furthermore, cooperation is rarely an isolated incident. When police succeed in pressuring someone to snitch even once, whether by interrogation or other means, that individual becomes their first stop any time they seek information. By levying threats against those who wish to keep their initial cooperation a secret, promising them individual leniency, or using some other form of leverage, the state is able to cultivate longtime informants embedded in movement spaces. Thus, if known cooperators attempt to return to the fold, we must block them from doing so at every step.[13] Not only have they demonstrated that they will betray comrades if given the chance, but we can never truly know if they seek to rejoin with the intent of informing further.

In the case of Prairieland, making a lesson out of Morris and communicating to the broader movement why there is no return from what she did would serve an important function in teaching newcomers that complete social exclusion and disconnection from collective movement resources is the expected minimum consequence for snitching. It would establish clear lines against cooperation and eliminate room for confusion. However, Fire Ant would rather we teach people the opposite lesson:

“We reject simplistic generalizations that frame all mistakes as unforgivable, rendering it impossible to create an off-ramp [emphasis ours] for those who have previously cooperated with the state to change course, make amends, and restore their commitment to struggle.”[14]

Instead of offering clarity, the idea of an “off ramp” opens the door to endless ambiguity and hairsplitting around what constitutes a redeemable snitch. It teaches potential revolutionaries that there is a way back into our movement for those who have decided to save themselves by giving the state the means to take away the lives of other people. It undermines our power to enforce any standards and creates an incentive for opportunists to play both sides. Self-interested people could exploit the movement for their own gain, all the while being easy targets for future pressure by the state. Accommodating such elements would only weaken our movement by cultivating an individualistic logic of cowardice and self-preservation, leaving it defenseless against escalating state repression.

Soliciting cooperation is in fact one of the most powerful weapons the state can use against us, because it undermines the very fabric of solidarity that holds revolutionary movements together. We must prepare all partisans to expect this kind of pressure, and arm them with the knowledge that the only way to protect ourselves and each other is to remain silent and insist on speaking to a lawyer. When we are approached by law enforcement for information, we must immediately inform others publicly of what occurred and what the police are inquiring about, while making clear that we remained silent. When someone fails to do this, they cast suspicion on themselves if the incident is later discovered through court documents or other means, contributing to a destructive atmosphere of paranoia. The only way to protect ourselves against such paranoia is through a consistent practice of transparency and expelling any known cooperators in our midst.

Furthermore, we must teach people to expect that if they choose to join the struggle, jail and prison will always be a possibility. We recognize that what some activists call “torture” is simply the routinized violence of jail, and those who wish to join a revolutionary movement must steel themselves to withstand those conditions, and worse treatment, as Frantz Fanon helped revolutionaries do in the past.[15] Any breath wasted on justifying the betrayal of snitches takes our attention away from those prisoners who demonstrate behavior exemplary of a revolutionary in refusing to cooperate. With this comes an understanding of the contempt with which snitches are treated inside prison, and that those who cooperate jeopardize their own safety behind bars as well as the credibility of a revolutionary movement in the eyes of other prisoners. If we are seen as a movement that provides support to snitches, then we will be rightfully treated as enemies by the average prisoner.

Thus, where Fire Ant sees cooperation as an inevitability to which we must accommodate ourselves, we understand that a revolutionary movement must be capable of enforcing a hard line of non-cooperation at every turn.

– Revolutionary Anti-Repression –

This leads us to the question of the role of anti-repression work in the development of a revolutionary movement. We can turn this attack from the state into an opportunity to unite strategically along the political practice of non-cooperation and antagonism to the state and capital. Maintaining the consistency of non-cooperation in practice means that the work of organizing against repression must be conscious of its political character. The logic of the “off-ramp” that Fire Ant proposes is not that of building a revolutionary movement, but of a project of service provision to potential consumers.

Revolutionary anti-repression will not be for everyone. If anyone cooperates, they must receive no support, and be publicly made known to others. In order for anti-repression efforts to be revolutionary, they must be integrated into the effort of building a revolutionary movement. This entails identifying and engaging with cases of repression for political activity and providing support for those defendants. Support can provide material support such as funds for defense, as well as political, by helping coordinate defenses along collective movement principles. Defendants will need to be advised on how to assemble support committees, on the dynamics inside jails and prisons they should understand, and on how the carceral institutions they are engaging with function. This will demonstrate to defendants that revolutionaries can be trusted, and that solidarity is rewarded with solidarity. They will know that they receive this support because they resist becoming a tool of the state. In doing so, they become examples to others who we inform about this case, and to other prisoners inside.

Every political prisoner is a potential comrade. Revolutionary anti-repression must exist in order for defendants to know what their case means practically to the movement supporting them. They must know how the outcome of their case could set a precedent that will affect many others. This must inform the defense strategy that they choose to take. Lawyers cannot be expected to be the source of political clarity. Defendants that work in a tradition of revolutionary anti-repression need to be directly supported enough by revolutionaries to direct their legal representatives to construct legal strategy to accommodate the collective needs of the revolutionary movement. This means that the movement must be organized such that its political lines know how to enhance the efficacy of a defense’s strategy.

These points of tactical engagement in revolutionary anti-repression are at the level of dealing with an active case. However, this work cannot be confined to the exigencies of the courtroom, forced to always operate on the terms set by the state. This is what always keeps us on the back foot, unable to maintain any firm position in developing our forces. A defensive position can be made advantageous if an offensive strategy can be developed within the means of defense. What is learned from engaging in and studying the changing landscape of repression will allow us to develop practices of struggle that lead to the development of offensive capabilities that outmaneuver state repression. We must learn how to turn the weight of the leviathan against itself.

The fact that we are experiencing an influx of newcomers into the movement makes it all the more important that we must hold clear and unambiguous lines around snitching to eliminate any room for confusion. In doing so, we build a movement based on who demonstrates the most potential to become committed and trustworthy revolutionaries, if they are not already. That means prioritizing the interests of those who are able to remain steadfast in non-cooperation with their comrades, and having no qualms of casting those aside who cannot. We have no need for them or their accomplices in this treachery. Simply put, we will find tougher people.

For these comrades who will make up the truly revolutionary struggle, we cannot afford to be ambiguous or cowardly. We will better learn what we must build together to outlast this current wave of repression by preparing ourselves to engage in and enforce non-cooperation wherever we must. There will be cooperators left to fend for themselves in prison, but their own actions have already abandoned the struggle. That is the choice they have made and which has rendered us free of any responsibility to them. We make this choice ourselves because we recognize that the cost of compromise is much higher.

Revolutionary anti-repression cannot end with the support of direct cases of political repression. It begins here in our context, but the objective of state repression is to isolate layers of the population engaged in political activity from the potential mass base that could also become an organized force against the state. The state knows that the conditions for its own existence are those of the antagonistic social relations of capital. They reproduce this antagonism in order to produce capital, and in order to make that process stable, they expand the policing and carceral apparatus to keep the proletarians in line that their society produces, exploits, and oppresses.

Our era of mass uprisings against the police amongst racialized proletarians has shown that this population has revolutionary potential, but the failure of these uprisings to advance further also demonstrates that contradictions exist amongst those very proletarians that are barriers to their development into an organized social force, thus rendering them vulnerable to the eventual crackdowns by the state. These uprisings have emerged amongst specific populations and extended beyond them because of the history of the development of this repressive apparatus against both political movements and the activity of de-politicized layers of these classes. As such, it has created a value of non-cooperation that exists as an ideal among criminalized segments of the racialized proletariat.

The instinct towards a liberal appeal—forgiveness by the Democratic Party, individual redemption over collective resistance—and away from one of the most basic codes of honor amongst those engaged in illegality, reveals a politics oriented towards individualism, and a composition influenced by middle class values whose intended audience are those who share the same, and not those surviving through proletarian criminality. Needless to say, we are not making an appeal to victimhood or proposing a posture of deference to all who are victimized by capital and the state. We are saying that the normalization of snitches would only amplify the effects of the counterinsurgency that is already devastating radical movements, as well as the criminalized segments of the proletariat where we see an expression of latent revolutionary potential. This culture and strategy of non-cooperation has emerged because it is necessary for the survival of formations that are antagonistic to the state. As comrades have recently said, “the codes revolutionaries live by exist to keep a movement alive long enough to find possibilities of emancipatory horizons.”[16] The development and victory of our revolutionary forces depend upon our solidarity.

— Communists and Anarchists for Revolutionary Anti-Repression

Endnotes:
[1] https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/eric-king-no-way-home-an-anarchist-ex-prisoner-s-response-to-fire-ant-movement-defense
[2] https://crimethinc.com/2026/07/07/manufactured-betrayal-a-statement-from-fire-ant-movement-defense-on-solidarity-and-betrayal-in-the-prairieland-trials
[3] page 5: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/gov.uscourts.txnd_.406323.1.0.pdf)
[4] https://prairielanddefendants.com/court-notes/march-4th-federal-trial-day-8/#witness-lynette-sharp-cooperating-witness-in-handcuffs-and-striped-jumpsuit
[5] https://prairielanddefendants.com/court-notes/march-4th-federal-trial-day-8/#witness-lynette-sharp-cooperating-witness-in-handcuffs-and-striped-jumpsuit
[6] page 2: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Cofer_Luster_motion-to-exclude-meagans-testimony_2026-01-22.pdf
[7] https://yournews.com/2026/01/21/6233321/two-transgender-defendants-in-texas-ice-protest-case-describe-misgendering/
[8] page 6: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/gov.uscourts.txnd_.406323.1.0.pdf
[9] page 21: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/complaint-morgan.pdf
[10] https://prairielanddefendants.com/court-notes/march-4th-federal-trial-day-8/#witness-lynette-sharp-cooperating-witness-in-handcuffs-and-striped-jumpsuit
[11] page 25: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/JohnsonCounty_Probable_Cause_Affidavit.pdf
[12] https://crimethinc.com/2026/07/07/manufactured-betrayal-a-statement-from-fire-ant-movement-defense-on-solidarity-and-betrayal-in-the-prairieland-trials
[13] See the case of Suzie Savoie in the Green Scare wave of repression and successive attempts that had to be made to continually remove her from related spaces after her cooperation: https://anarchistagency.com/an-anti-snitch-oral-history-of-the-seattle-wto-protests/
https://itsgoingdown.org/snitch-suzie-savoie-swarmed-and-deplatformed-in-southern-oregon/
[14] https://crimethinc.com/2026/07/07/manufactured-betrayal-a-statement-from-fire-ant-movement-defense-on-solidarity-and-betrayal-in-the-prairieland-trials
[15] For information of Frantz Fanon’s work in helping prepare revolutionary combatants for withstanding torture, see: https://www.parapraxismagazine.com/articles/fanons-revolutionary-gaze
[16] https://freepeppyandkrystal.noblogs.org/in-defense-of-dignity/

In Contempt #8: State Terror in Prairieland, Minneapolis, Michigan, & Elsewhere, Repression Breeds Resistance…But Only If We Try!

  • July 4, 2026 1:44 am

from In Contempt

[This post only contains information relevant to Philadelphia and the surrounding area, to read the entire article follow the above link.]

Other Detention Center Updates

DHS plans on largely scrapping the warehouse detention center boondoggle, seeking to offload buildings purchased earlier this year in Romulus, Michigan; Social Circle, Georgia; Flowery Branch, Georgia; Hamburg, Pennsylvania; Tremont, Pennsylvania; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Roxbury, New Jersey. Over $700 million was spent on these 7 warehouses, but faced opposition in the streets and town halls meetings from neighbors who do not want concentration camps in their area. Check for updates on detention center and warehouse purchases at Project Saltbox’s tracker: https://datastudio.google.com/u/0/reporting/b0228ccb-6fcf-4ab6-9d9b-41dd53292ec6/page/p_uy4yssvm0d.

George Floyd Uprising Prisoners

As far as we know, these are the prisoner still incarcarated from the George Floyd Uprisings:

Christopher Tindal -509
USP Canaan
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 300
Waymart, PA 18472

David Elmakayes -066
USP Lee
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 305
Jonesville, VA 24263

Smart Communications/PADOC
Khalif Miller
SCI Forest
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

For more ways to support those in prison and those who have since released, visit https://uprisingsupport.org/

As always, a letter-writing zine for the 2020 Uprising prisoners is available from with whatever weapons distro:

uprising-support-6-26-imposedDownload

Media

A revised edition of anarchist and anti-imperialist political prisoner Casey Goonan’s book, Lines in the Sand: Writings on the Gaza Solidarity Encampment & Campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley from an Anarchist Prisoner of War is available to read. Each chapter is also available as a zine to print and share.

Write to Casey:

Casey Goonan -511
FCI Allenwood Medium
P.O. Box 2000
White Deer, PA 17887

Dwayne “Bim” Staats published an article at Solitary Watch, “Voices from Solitary: When Toxic Fumes Turned My Solitary Cell into a Death Trap.” Bim is currently incarcerated at the Delaware supermax facility James T. Vaughn Correctional Center. Bim has served 22 years of a life sentence, and has spent 17 years in solitary confinement in prisons across Pennsylvania and Delaware. In the following piece, Bim recounts a situation in which he and other men were trapped in an isolation unit with no ventilation, and with the air vents spewing noxious gas. While Bim’s attempts to find out the cause of the gas hit dead ends, the symptoms he describes the men experiencing notably mirror those of carbon monoxide poisoning, a medical emergency so potentially deadly that most states require carbon monoxide detectors in homes and buildings. The environmental and medical hazards commonly found in prisons and jails are well-documented, supported by the work of researchers, grassroots organizers, and other incarcerated writers. Bim is on Instagram @_bim_21 and YouTube. He can be emailed on GettingOut by adding him as a contact using his name “Dwayne Staats” and number “467005,” or reached by mail:

Dwayne Staats 467005
Delaware DOC – 1101
PO Box 96777
Las Vegas, NV 89193.

 

Mischievous Evening Jaunt

  • July 4, 2026 1:29 am

from Unravel

Recently during a warm evening jaunt we sabotaged an automated license plate reader, an indigo bike station, some construction machinery, and painted over or disabled around 20 camera.

We want to highlight some of the tools we used that we think are underappreciated in radical circles. A handheld garden sprayer filled with watered down paint was used to paint a lot of the out of reach cameras. It’s smaller, lighter, and easier to use than a fire extinguisher. The license plate reader, other cameras, and the bike station were sabotaged using wire cutters. Exposed wires were snipped and hand tools opened panels when wires were inside cabinets or conduits.

We had an awesome time and enjoyed a fabulous post-crime spree glow in the days that followed!

Philly June 11 Posters

  • June 15, 2026 1:21 am

Submission
Posters were wheatpasted in different neighborhoods around Philly in solidarity with anarchist and political prisoners. Congratulations to Mujera Lung’aho on your release! We were going to put up posters about you too but you’re already free.
Prisoners to the street!
Free them all!




Pivotal Piracy: ORCA Closing Party

  • June 7, 2026 1:35 am

from O.R.C.A.

🏴‍☠️Pivotal Piracy🏴‍☠️
🫍O.R.C.A. Closing Party🫍

🫍June 12
🪸7pm – 12am
🫍O.R.C.A. (email orca.philly@protonmail.com for address)

Come celebrate two and a half years of aquatic anarchy as we send the ship off! O.R.C.A. is closing and we invite you to come say goodbye and carry away treasures from the space. (Make transport plans if you want to take anything big.)

Expect music, snacks, drinks, and good vibes. This is our last event.
💙👋🏴

O.R.C.A. Closing Statement

  • June 4, 2026 1:33 am

from O.R.C.A.

TDLR: ORCA is closing; goodbye party 6/12 7pm-12am

O.R.C.A. is closing. This wasn’t an easy decision, but given a combination of factors–personal capacity, building frustration, and lack of logistical+financial support–running the space is no longer sustainable for us and we don’t want to continue this project. We are glad to have helped create an anarchist space for people to meet and learn from each other and encounter anti-authoritarian ideas. Many anarchist spaces often skew white and punk; it was important to us that O.R.C.A. did not fall into this pattern. Over the last 2.5 years, we’ve prioritized hosting de-colonial, black liberation, and internationally-oriented events. Shout out to anyone who has booked or facilitated an event! We couldn’t have done it without you.

O.R.C.A. opened during an upsurge in the Palestinian liberation movement, and was initially intended to meet a need for a public non-commercial space where people could find each other and engage with anarchism. We knew of an empty room in a building we were familiar with, and we decided to squat it for as long as we could. Our short time squatting revealed to us that the space was fulfilling a need and when squatting became untenable we decided to rent a room. While O.R.C.A. will not continue, the need for non-commercial, explicitly anti-authoritarian political spaces remains, and we encourage anyone with the desire and capacity to open other spaces.

It’s worth addressing some of the challenges that went along with this project and influenced our decision to close. From the beginning, a 2-3 person collective was not large enough to sustain a space like this. It was difficult to find dedicated people who had the capacity and availability to seriously contribute to O.R.C.A., an unsurprising reality in the face of the increasing misery of today. Relatedly, our own capacities, desires, and commitments have changed since 2023. We encourage anyone starting this kind of project to remember that people and circumstances change, and to prepare accordingly.

If we want spaces like O.R.C.A. to exist, we need community buy-in. That can look like attending or throwing events, donating supplies, helping with workdays, but it also needs to include financial support. We often ended up paying rent with the fruits of our own 👠marginalized labor🏴‍☠️. Despite never charging to use the space or attend events, behind the scenes, we’ve always been concerned about having the money to keep the lights on.

It certainly didn’t help that the building was becoming more and more inaccessible. We knew when we opened O.R.C.A. that the building was not nearly as accessible as we would have liked, and the new locks, cameras, and the threat of fees from building management have only added to our discouragement.

To the volunteers–open hours crew, friends who’ve jumped in when we’ve needed it, anyone who has thrown us some money–thank you so much!

We made things work! Despite the limitations of the space–not very physically accessible, cold in the winter and hot in the summer, and three busy people running things–almost all of our programs were very well attended. On many occasions we filled every couch, folding chair, bench, and extra floor space with friends, comrades, and strangers alike. We want to celebrate the last 2.5 years of aquatic anarchy! Help us send this ship off (and take home all of our treasures*) June 12th.

Love and anarchy,

O.R.C.A.

*Books, zines, couches, rugs, chairs, lamps, paint, a projector, a printer, a well-decorated mini fridge, and so many other items.

In Contempt #7: Marius Is Free, June 11 Solidarity Without End (& J11 Interview), Daniela’s Trial Statement, International May Day Resistance & Repression…

  • June 1, 2026 1:14 am

from In Contempt

[This post only contains information relevant to Philadelphia and the surrounding area, to read the entire article follow the above link.]

Our practice of solidarity is not just one of obligation, but of recognition that an ever-expanding and never-ending solidarity is part of the path to all of our freedom. Because we know ourselves to be more connected, stronger, and ultimately more capable when it is always a part of what guides us. We know there is no fixed limit or end, and the need for solidarity will always be there. We know that we find richness in the ways that it deepens our movements and selves.

–– June 11 2026: Solidarity Without End

Repression breeds resistance, but only if we try…. The struggle continues. This month marks 6 years since the state murder of George Floyd and the nationwide uprising that still looms on the horizon of what’s possible. June 11 returns and solidarity is endless. Marius is free! And new long-term anarchist prisoners remain. We return with another round-up of updates and calls to action about political prisoners, repression of revolutionaries, and rebellions behind bars. Fire to the prisons!

As always, we welcome submissions and international contributions––hit up in_contempt @ autistici . org.

A zine and pamphlet of this column will be available in the coming days to print and share with friends, comrades, and loved ones behind bars.

June 11th International Day of Solidarity with Marius Mason & All Long-Term Anarchist Prisoners

June 11 2026 Call to Action: Solidarity Without End

PRISONER UPDATES

Casey Goonan, a dedicated community educator, writer, distroist, and printer who has lived a life committed to struggles for liberation was arrested in June of 2024 for actions, including the arson of a UC Berkeley Police vehicle, in response to the University’s treatment of student protesters for Palestine. In September of 2025, Casey was sentenced to 19 years in prison. Casey had been in holdover at FCI Mendota, awaiting their permanent placement. Life at FCI Mendota was uncertain and challenging, as they were denied access to sufficient medical care to manage their diabetes, and had lived without personal property, stimulating programs or much time outside their cell. In February 2026, Casey was finally transferred to FCI Allenwood in Northern Pennsylvania. This placement might be temporary, but for the time being they have better medical care, phone access, time out of their cell and time in the library. They are working on a habeas petition with another legal team in order to appeal their conviction and sentencing.

Political Prisoners / POWs

Casey Goonan

An update from Casey Goonan––”Lockdowns and a Birthday”:

After dealing with a tough month or two of extended of unit-wide lockdowns, establishing a reliable program has been difficult, but Casey reports doing very well! Lockdowns still happen sporadically with little explanation so developing a daily rhythm has been a challenge. They have made a lot of friends on the unit though and for Casey’s birthday, all the guys in their car and few others quietly passed around a birthday card to sign. And to cap it off, somebody made a bangin’ spread of nachos for the occasion.

Mail and calls

Snail mail has been extremely slow and sporadic through the mailroom. They only are getting mail at least a month later than it’s postmark, which is extra frustrating because…

Casey recently received a 6 month revocation of their calling privileges and lost 27 days of good time credits as punishment for a 3-way call with their mom and brother that they didn’t even know was against the rules. So for the time being, email via Corrlinks or snail mail is the only way to talk to them.

To revisit some mail basics:
– Leave big margins on your letters. Casey only receives a black and white hardcopy scan of letters and as of yet the feds haven’t mastered using a scanner or just don’t care. Anything near the edges of the page gets cut off.
– Mail is surveilled and often pieces are outright blocked. Casey has heightened restrictions and scrutiny due to their classification and charges. Write accordingly. Know as well that some mail just doesn’t make it through.

Books

You can see Casey’s booklist for purchase via their bookshop registry here:
https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

At the moment we are asking for people to please stick to the books on this list due to Caseys space concerns. Thank you to everyone who has sent Casey books!

Birthday fundraiser

For Casey’s birthday we were able to raise $840 so far for Lil Nicky, their cellie and friend. Let’s double that!

To support Lil Nicky, funds can be sent by Venmo labeled as “Little Nicky” to @juliepetersonG

Lil Nicky has been a great friend, and lifesaver in the yard on numerous occasions. Slated to go home in 15 months to Philly, he will be reuniting with his 13 year old son. Also, Lil Nicky is deaf and needs immediate support to buy his own hearing aids and batteries  (Yeah, the prison doesn’t supply those!).

With next to no income from a prison job, it is extremely hard to purchase supplies for your disabilities not to mention save for going home. Without support, re-entry is an extension of the isolation of incarceration, leaving just-released people in an extremely vulnerable position and often in harms way.

Lil Nicky has been there for Casey and Casey is looking to repay the favor.

Together they spend hours on lockdowns discussing sports and the state of the world. Lil Nicky is continually motivating Casey to stay focused on their goals as an abolitionist and their prisoner support work, now from the inside.

Again, to kick down, Venmo @juliepetersonG with the note “Lil Nicky.”

Love and struggle,
CSC

email: cscommittee@proton.me
insta: @freecaseynow
website: https://freecaseynow.noblogs.org/
general fundraiser: https://chuffed.org/project/supportcasey
book wishlist: https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

Last month, Casey shared a book of their writings pre-sentencing from Santa Rita Jail on Palestine solidarity, anarchism and anti-imperialism, reflections on tactics and strategies in the movement, and personal experiences from the campus flood for the liberation of Gaza––Lines in the Sand: Writings on the Gaza Solidarity Encampment & Campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley from an Anarchist Prisoner of War. 

The book is available to read in full online and zines of each chapter are also available to print and share.

Write to Casey:

Casey Goonan #24611-511
FCI Allenwood Medium
Federal Correctional Institution
P.O. Box 2000
White Deer, PA 17887

George Floyd Uprising Prisoners

As far as we know, the current George Floyd Uprising prisoners are:

David Elmakayes -066
USP Lee
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 305
Jonesville, VA 24263

Smart Communications/PADOC
Khalif Miller
SCI Forest
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

Birthdays

Khalif Miller

Birthday: June 10, 1995

Khalif Miller is a political prisoner incarcerated for his participation in the George Floyd uprising in Philadelphia. One of several who faced federal charges, Khalif was sentenced to five years in federal prison; he has since completed his federal sentence, but is now being held at SCI Forest Pennsylvania state prison for parole violations for an earlier unrelated case. In March 2026, Khalif was denied parole for another year. Check out his Instagram page and his online fundraiser.

Khalif can receive letters and photos at this mailing address:

Smart Communications / PA DOC
Khalif Miller /
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

As PADOC is a digital mail scanning state, please use single sided letters when sending to this Florida address. Books and zines must be sent to: Khalif Miller / 268 Bricker Road / Bellefonte, PA 16823-1667. You can also message Khalif electronically using ConnectNetwork.com – search PADOC for Khalif Miller or his ID QQ9287.

Jarreau “Ruk” Ayers

Birthday: June 15, 1981

Ayers grew up in Wilmington, Delaware, and was serving a life sentence when he was indicted—along with sixteen others—for his alleged involvement in the uprising at James T. Vaughn Correctional Center in Delaware in February 2017. Once convicted, he was transferred to the Pennsylvania prison system to serve his time. Ayers was released to general population in March 2024 after spending nearly 19 years in solitary confinement. Ayers is a father, pro-se litigator, co-author of Vaughn 17 Speaks, and co-founder of Rebellious Hearts, which is a movement for liberation built upon revolutionary, matriarchal, abolitionist, and Black power principles. You can follow Ayers on Instagram at @remember_ur_krown

Smart Communications / PA DOC
Jarreau Ayers – NS9994
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

As PADOC is a digital mail scanning state, please use single sided letters when sending to this Florida address. Books and zines must be sent to: Jarreau Ayers – NS9994 / 268 Bricker Road / Bellefonte, PA 16823-1667. You can also message Khalif electronically using ConnectNetwork.com – search PADOC for Jarreau Ayers or his ID NS9994.

Update 5/15/26- Casey Goonan Support Committee

  • May 17, 2026 1:03 am

from Anarchist Black Cross Federation

Lockdowns and a birthday

After dealing with a tough month or two of extended of unit-wide lockdowns, establishing a reliable program has been difficult, but Casey reports doing very well! Lockdowns still happen sporadically with little explanation so developing a daily rhythm has been a challenge. They have made a lot of friends on the unit though and for Casey’s birthday, all the guys in their car and few others quietly passed around a birthday card to sign. And to cap it off, somebody made a bangin’ spread of nachos for the occasion.

Mail and calls
Snail mail has been extremely slow and sporadic through the mailroom. They only are getting mail at least a month later than it’s postmark, which is extra frustrating because…

Casey recently received a 6 month revocation of their calling privileges and lost 27 days of good time credits as punishment for a 3-way call with their mom and brother that they didn’t even know was against the rules. So for the time being, email via Corrlinks or snail mail is the only way to talk to them.

To revisit some mail basics:
– Leave big margins on your letters. Casey only receives a black and white hardcopy scan of letters and as of yet the feds haven’t mastered using a scanner or just don’t care. Anything near the edges of the page gets cut off.
– Mail is surveilled and often pieces are outright blocked. Casey has heightened restrictions and scrutiny due to their classification and charges. Write accordingly. Know as well that some mail just doesn’t make it through.

Books
You can see Casey’s booklist for purchase via their bookshop registry here:
https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

At the moment we are asking for people to please stick to the books on this list due to Caseys space concerns. Thank you to everyone who has sent Casey books!

Birthday fundraiser
For Casey’s birthday we were able to raise $840 so far for Lil Nicky, their cellie and friend. Let’s double that!

To support Lil Nicky, funds can be sent by Venmo labeled as “Little Nicky” to @juliepetersonG

Lil Nicky has been a great friend, and lifesaver in the yard on numerous occasions. Slated to go home in 15 months to Philly, he will be reuniting with his 13 year old son. Also, Lil Nicky is deaf and needs immediate support to buy his own hearing aids and batteries  (Yeah, the prison doesn’t supply those!).

With next to no income from a prison job, it is extremely hard to purchase supplies for your disabilities not to mention save for going home. Without support, re-entry is an extension of the isolation of incarceration, leaving just-released people in an extremely vulnerable position and often in harms way.

Lil Nicky has been there for Casey and Casey is looking to repay the favor.

Together they spend hours on lockdowns discussing sports and the state of the world. Lil Nicky is continually motivating Casey to stay focused on their goals as an abolitionist and their prisoner support work, now from the inside.

Again, to kick down, Venmo @juliepetersonG with the note “Lil Nicky.”

Love and struggle,
CSC

email: cscommittee@proton.me
insta: @freecaseynow
website: https://freecaseynow.noblogs.org/
general fundraiser: https://chuffed.org/project/supportcasey
book wishlist: https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

Swarthmore College cleaning up ‘hundreds’ of anti-Israel vandalism messages

  • May 14, 2026 1:38 am

from mainstream media

“Black Anarchist” Film Screening and Fundraiser

  • May 9, 2026 1:12 am

from O.R.C.A.

May 16 · 5:00–8:30 PM

Email for address: orca.philly@protonmail.com

Join us for a work-in-progress screening of an untitled narrative feature.

A brief conversation will precede the film, reflecting on the themes and questions that inspired it, and on the process of making a self-funded work.

Afterward, experience a slow cinema work moving through the mundane, and the quiet but constant weight of what’s at stake.

Filmmaker introduction before the screening.

Post-film gathering at a second location.

Donations will support finishing funds for the film, with a portion going to O.R.C.A.

Film synopsis: Figures pass through a Los Angeles house, engaged in routine preparation for something imminent but never arriving. Time stretches and skips. The outside world encroaches, and the condition of blackness endures.

Coordinated poster action

  • May 7, 2026 1:54 am

Submission

Last weekend, crews of anarchists put up hundreds of anti-tech posters across the city. This was an experiment in coordinating across geography between multiple affinity groups and part of our focus on anti-tech agitation. We aspire to keep developing this coordination capacity for more combative action.



The Attack on Ghost Robotics Zine PDF

  • May 7, 2026 1:04 am

Submission

[PDF]

New zine from here (https://daygloayhole.gumroad.com/l/Norobotics) that includes a comic and also communiques and write ups on the fight against Ghost Robotics. The comic was originally published in color on the author’s patreon and is available there for free without the communiques and write ups. Some quotes from the author’s websites are included below so potential readers have an idea of what the zine is about.

“A 9 page printable B&W zine combining my comic about anarchist attacks on Ghost Robotics in Philly, as well as a series of summations and reportbacks combined in the zine The Struggle Against Ghost Robotics. I am the creator or the comic, but I’m not the creator of the reportbacks or the zine that combines them.”

“I was excited to do more of these kinds of comics. I realized I rarely do straight up “pro anarchism” comics. But these kinds of actions are happening all over the country all the time and I don’t see them talked about much despite this aspect of struggle being really important to me. That said, it feels hard writing this as a bunch of comrades have been convicted in Texas.
…
For more info on these Ghost Robotics actions, here’s the link to one of the zines I read. There were a few other actions and demos that happened around getting Ghost Robotics out of UPenn, including people running up on the dean’s house. So if you’re curious to get a sense of the larger campaign, there’s a lot more to find out. Apparently Ghost Robotics has to reveal their new address when they turn in their next quarterly report…which is a fact I learned on the internet.”

WSA May Day Gathering! Fifth Annual !!! Happy May Day Friends!!

  • May 4, 2026 1:54 am

from Philly Metro Area WSA

After a full day of taking part in immigrant rights actions, Philly Metro WSA, Greater Chicago WSA, and Labor committee (national) had an amazing night at our hybrid gathering, celebrating our movement’s history! Happy Mayday friends !!!

afternoon with the author of “I Am Maroon”

  • May 1, 2026 1:40 am

from Instagram

Join us on Saturday, May 2nd at 2pm for an afternoon with the author of “I Am Maroon.”

In this cinematic memoir, follow one man’s journey from gang member to Black liberation leader to political prisoner–and the justice and redemption he fought for along the way.

Inspired by Malcolm X, Russell Shoatz became a lifelong crusader for justice, a soldier in the most militant units of the Black Liberation Army. Shoatz was convicted to life in prison following a coordinated attack on a park police station that left one guard dead. The prison walls, however, could not deter Shoatz’s battle for personal and collective freedom. He escaped state prisons twice, making him a living legend, and endowed him with the moniker “Maroon,” once used to honor runaway slaves from plantations. He survived 22 years in solitary confinement, prompting an international campaign for his freedom.

I Am Maroon charts a life of dizzying intrigue and a long struggle for liberation. With an unforgettable voice, Maroon reminds us that we too are capable of radical change, leaving us a blueprint for how we might dedicate our lives and minds to the ongoing fight for freedom.

The Wooden Shoe is ADA accessible excepting the restroom and meetings marked “downstairs”. All events are masked (provided). Parking is available metered on the street with the two closest paid parking garages at 1457 South St and 545 S 11th St. Public transit bus lines 45 & 47 stop within short walking distance. Please let us know if you have any other accessibility requirements and we will do our best to accommodate.

All events are free, no RSVP required.

704 South St
Philadelphia

Image description in comments!

Zapatistas Reportback & Discussion From Chiapas To Philly: Lessons For Building Lasting Mass Movements

  • April 27, 2026 1:51 am

Submission

w/ Philly Socialists, Abolition School, & guest panelist Geo Maher

Come hear about the Zapatista’s international gatherings & what organizers and community members in Philadelphia can learn from 40+ years of anti-capitalist, indigenous struggle in Chiapas

In defense of the land, the people, and life itself

Thursday April 30

6PM

Philly Free School & Online

Here’s the registration link:
https://cryptpad.fr/form/#/2/form/view/MPu+iW1lsNXa6xoMtQj9rmShgLmb0MyMgJaNYvaDp6k/