Drinking From the Cup of Fascist Tears: Boston Report Back

from It’s Going Down

A crew from Philadelphia made the long drive north on Friday night to support the efforts of Boston anti-fascists to disrupt the “Free Speech Rally” held by a coalition of fascists including Gavin McInnes’ Proud Boys on Saturday, May 13. The disruptive counter-protest held a solid defensive bloc on the ridge above the fascists, maintained strong unified energy among all participants, protected against attempts by fash to infiltrate and instigate, and ultimately won the day by being stronger, louder and better-organized. In order to bolster the strategic and tactical efforts of anti-fascists everywhere to fight against the growing tide of ethno-nationalism, Philly offers this analysis of what went right in Boston and how groups around the country can learn from what went down.

When we arrived, settled in and got to planning, it became clear that the bloc would be outnumbered by a factor of at least four or five to one. Fascists were expected to draw about 100 people from paramilitary Oath Keepers groups, Proud Boys, and whatever white nationalist filth answered the call. A Daily Stormer post confirmed their intention to have “a popular front to drive the communists out of the public space…for actual free political discourse to take place,” indicating attempts at aggression. Hopeful estimates of 30 and realistic estimates of 20 total were expected to show up in bloc against this incursion.

Self-crit is important if we want to do better, and if more people aren’t showing up to bloc when a 100-strong fascist group shows up to rally in public, then we need to ask ourselves as Left organizers on how we might be able to improve. Things like flyering beforehand could have improved our numbers. Also, developing realistic win conditions by planning to use appropriate tactics based on our numbers and capacity is vital if we want to keep the morale of our troops high going into a fight.

“This is the lesson we learned from Berkeley: We must be organized and maintain tight, tactical blocs if we’re outnumbered either by cops or fash, and we must control the terms of engagement so we don’t have to needlessly sacrifice ourselves in order to win.”

Would-be bloc participants need organizers to let them know how they’re going to win the day rather than resigning themselves to a loss. If one tactic will lose in its sphere of impact, choose different tactics to win within different spheres of impact. If we don’t find ways to control the narrative and win on our own terms, the fash will become emboldened to hold “free speech rallies” elsewhere in the country to spew their far-Right, white nationalist hate-mongering. This is the lesson we learned from Berkeley: We must be organized and maintain tight, tactical blocs if we’re outnumbered either by cops or fash, and we must control the terms of engagement so we don’t have to needlessly sacrifice ourselves in order to win.

Philly had come well-prepared to throw down against a large group of fascists. We had 16 shields and multiple other items – flags, poles and flares – ready to be deployed as force multipliers in a defensive line and provide impressive optics to steal their thunder. Several suggestions to turn our reduced numbers into a win for the broader antifascist narrative were offered, including deployment of shields and poles and other suggestions of potentially dubious legality. However, we understood that we were guests on Boston’s turf and that they should guide the overall look and feel of the action. So, after deliberation about potential strategic collaboration and gathering information on Boston’s plans, Philly decided to hold off on joining their bloc based on our own situational analysis, instead promising to contribute in our own way.

Our affinity group showed up unbloced at Boston Common at about 9:30am and did recon posing as normies to get a sense for terrain, numbers, and political affinities and relationships. We saw about eight people in bloc stationed at the bottom of the Soldiers and Sailors Monument hill, while 20 or so Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and Socialist Alternative (SAlt) were at the top of the hill and growing. We interviewed a member of Socialist Alternative and asked about the bloc, getting the sense that it was not welcome by the folks at the top of the hill. Meanwhile, about 30 or 40 fash were at the Bandstand about 300 feet to the east, also growing. Those in bloc began yelling at the fash, calling them racists etc. This drew them into a battle line, mostly comprised of “Based stickmen,” American and Kekistan flags, and shield bearers – and they started shouting back.

At this point, we became concerned for our comrades’ safety. The most pressing tactical consideration we determined at that moment was that the bloc needed to use the cover of the liberal socialists to protect themselves and bolster their numbers, but they weren’t standing in solidarity together. Being a militant vanguard against the fascist tide means simultaneously moderating two fronts – the enemy front, against which we must stand strong and push hard – and the allied front, to which we must stay close enough to encourage support for our militancy.

We monitored the shouting match for signs of escalation and soon determined that the fash were a low-energy group with multiple internal fractures despite their numbers. Police presence was minimal and non-threatening, so we decided to bloc up and join our comrades despite being outnumbered.

First, we gathered about 15 flags in a trash bag – simple blackout cloth stapled to 2-foot 2” by 2”s – and approached the monument in our normie clothes to drop them off. However, we were told by liberal organizers that we had to leave. We explained that we weren’t interested in messing with them or endangering their people and were only interested in doing our own thing. We stressed that we were committed to using our flags to support a defensive formation and making sure things didn’t get out of hand. This was apparently the first that these organizers had heard of the bloc plans, and basic outreach proactively addressing their safety concerns had a positive impact on their attitude and willingness to go along with us.

“This fosters trust that while we may be militant ourselves as a bloc, we will not put comrades unwilling to throw down at needless risk.”

In Philly, blocs work closely in a sphere of mutual respect with local Left organizations to make sure that everyone is on the same page when actions combine the interests of multiple groups. This fosters trust that while we may be militant ourselves as a bloc, we will not put comrades unwilling to throw down at needless risk. Philly anti-fascist groups have moderated our own political urgencies to smash fascists and the state for the sake of building these relationships due to the advantages that strategic alliances with sympathetic noncombatants can provide. We encourage this attitude among antifa-affiliated mass orgs around the country. Also, within even the most liberal Left-leaning groups, there are always folks willing to be in bloc. Maybe they joined SAlt or whatever else because they wanted to make a real difference, and didn’t know how to get in touch with other people doing more direct actions. Unless we maintain good relationships with other organizations, these comrades will never find their way to join us and will never have the chance to develop their own politics of Left militancy, and our ranks will never grow.

At this point, socialists on top of the hill had swelled to 50 or so, and more radical Leftists seemed to be showing up to join them. The bloc was about 10 strong at the bottom of the hill, stationed at the footpath splitting the Bandstand and the Monument. Philly showed up in full bloc, and we brought the party and the noise.

We stationed ourselves at the middle of the hill to gain the higher ground as well as try to close the gap between the liberals and the bloc. We joined in with chants led by the socialists, getting hype, dancing and going hoarse, emphasizing with our raised voices and body language that in this instance, we were in full solidarity. This visceral show of support across common ideological barriers reduced tensions and made it clear that even though antifa often acts like we’re cool as shit (and let’s be honest, we are), we are not too cool to party with SAlt or DSA when the situation warrants it. Because our victory conditions did not require militantly approaching and confronting the fash, nothing we were prepared to do would rub these liberal socialist groups the wrong way, and our defensive stance was appreciated. This drew the rest of the bloc toward us, and things progressed from there.

At about 10:30am, Boston bloc leaders made the strong and ideologically effective decision to elevate non-men voices by going into the socialists’ ranks to find some who wanted to stand with the bloc. It can’t be emphasized enough: this was some good-ass praxis, and every organizer should learn from it. This tactic helped folks build a space where everyone felt comfortable to take defensive militant action. It doubled our numbers and formed a link between the bloc and the socialists. We then had enough people to hand out fliers to interested passersby and explain what we were doing, while still maintaining an impressive presence. Philly then got our bag of flags and distributed them to the newcomers. Popularizing revolt can be as simple as bringing someone to the front and handing them a flag (aka whacking stick) and a mask.

The Proud Boys began sending instigators into our ranks to try to provoke fights, but we were ready for them. Police presence began to ramp up with about 4 bike cops on either side, mounted cops patrolling with the fash, and motorcycle cops with zip ties at the far end of the Common. Philly took the lead and organized block participants into a defensive line further up the hill to prevent any attempts at kettling. We worked with Boston to station lookouts on either side for fash/cops trying to flank our position. Meanwhile, the bloc had reached a critical mass point whereby it continued to slowly swell. While taking advantage of the relentless chanting tactics that the DSA/SAlt employed to keep our morale boosted, we charged in small swarms to repel the instigators as they approached, making it clear that we would stomp their fucking faces if they tried anything – or allowing our numbers, organization and body language to nonverbally convey that message.

“The character of the so-called free speech ralliers thus showed itself for any onlookers to be hypocritical trash. They’re bullies who cry about free speech until the conversation doesn’t go their way, then they seek out the most vulnerable dissenters to physically intimidate and assault.”

By and large, instigators were 4chan/Reddit keyboard warriors – cowards unsuited for actual confrontation. They soon retreated, and folks in bloc returned to holding the line. Oath Keepers and overt white nationalists seemed bored by the keyboard warriors’ antics and remained deployed around the bandstand, not offering them any assistance. Police presence was such that we didn’t have the numbers to approach them and test those waters. It was clear from their body language that the cops were protecting the fascists, and chants to that effect – “Cops Protect Nazis!” – started up. At one point, after one Proud Boy took his aggression out on a random 13-year-old child and was subsequently detained, a larger group of fash seemed like they were going to charge the hill. Our bloc made an impressive line, holding flagpoles horizontally to repel as a unit, and they decided to back off. Another Proud Boy later punched a teen-aged femme within the bloc, and when our bloc member tried to defend themselves, both were arrested. The character of the so-called free speech ralliers thus showed itself for any onlookers to be hypocritical trash. They’re bullies who cry about free speech until the conversation doesn’t go their way, then they seek out the most vulnerable dissenters to physically intimidate and assault.

 

As the action wound down, comrades thanked the Philly contingent and expressed interest in our organization as well as working with us again. Militancy means energy, and as long as they feel protected rather than threatened by our presence, people will feed off our militancy rather than tell us to go away. The difference between a feeling of protection and a feeling of threat is communication – fostering the sense that we are on the same page. While ideological disagreements are important to hash out at times, we must also be a unified Left Front when it comes to fighting against large numbers of fash taking to the commons. Coalition-building beats out adventurism every time, especially in cases of uneven numbers.

“Militancy means energy, and as long as they feel protected rather than threatened by our presence, people will feed off our militancy rather than tell us to go away.”

We won the day this weekend – but it won’t always be this easy. We ended on a high note and then dispersed. The fash milled about the hill and the rest of the Common after, unsure of what to do beyond taking selfies and posting on social media. They were aiming for another Berkeley – an opportunity and excuse to catch us out, beat us up, instigate a brawl, and lead to our mass arrest, unmasking and doxing – and we denied them that opportunity. They looked like a bunch of strange, sad folks all day. Philly’s organization on the fly as well as Boston’s follow-through, combined with disarray among the Right, gave them the loss instead. We got videos of them attacking children, and we disrupted their event. The Alt-Right bemoaned on /pol/ being “humiliated”.

We drink deeply of fascist tears.

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But our enemies are getting more organized all the time. The fact that they were able to have this event at all should be considered a partial failure among Left organizers. While Boston didn’t give them much of a platform, they were able to take the streets at the end of their disrupted rally, which must be prevented in the future. We must aim to be able to shut this shit down before it starts. But we didn’t have the numbers to actively confront a mass of trained right-wing militia at this time, so we had to frame our victory to be achievable and based on conditions on the ground. And we did. We accomplished what we sought out to achieve.

Our ultimate goal is building blocs strong enough to smash the State, and achieve liberation for a unified, multi-racial, multi-gendered, militant working-class. But first, we have to grow and build unity. As hip-hop artist Ab Soul said in the song, Terrorist Threats, “If all the gangs in the world unified, we’d stand a chance against the military tonight.”

“ours will be a five, ten year struggle at least, and we must think long-term, stay strong, be smart, build coalitions and alternative economic models to support our work, expand political education and class consciousness…”

That work is ongoing and must be pursued on multiple fronts. Ethno-nationalist fascists will only get more organized as the Right consolidates its power in government and rolls out an increasingly draconian police state that preys upon the most vulnerable populations – disabled, immigrants, women, people of color, trans folks and other LGBT people, etc.

All indications are that it will get worse before it gets better. Realistically, ours will be a five, ten year struggle at least, and we must think long-term, stay strong, be smart, build coalitions and alternative economic models to support our work, expand political education and class consciousness, keep training, grow our forces, and continue thinking up new tactics to take the fight to the Right. We can’t tunnel vision on “being in bloc” – there are so many other historically effective anti-fascist tactics that can and should be used. The Black Panthers gave out free breakfasts and became local heroes, for instance. But they were militant as fuck.

We don’t have the luxury of allowing our egos to be stroked by LARPer adventurist tendencies or suicidal, disorganized impulses. But we must remain prepared for the worst. We must make use of all available options to challenge the corporate state. We must take care of ourselves and our comrades while we fight the fash on all fronts. We must be able to sustain our revolt by thinking strategically toward a narrative win every time, finding situational allies wherever we can, because we’re in this for the long haul, and we are all needed. As freedom fighter Assata Shakur famously said, it is our duty to fight for our freedom, and it is our duty to win. The Rev is a life-long and long-life commitment.

Philly out.

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Down With The Pipeline and Its World

from It’s Going Down

[Video]

On this International Worker’s Day, we are inspired by the resistance around the world from the streets of Paris to nearby Philadelphia. Solidarity with workers everywhere on this May Day and here’s to a long (hot) summer of fighting capitalism, colonization and ecocide!

Please check out this video about our front in that struggle, and please consider donating to our fundraiser here: www.fundrazr.com/campwhitepine!

Harrisburg, PA: Antifascist Night March Against Trump

from Facebook

In response to Donald Trump invading our beloved city after insulting us by calling it a warzone, we of the East Shore Antifa are issuing a call for a militant antifascist night march.

At 7:30 pm, Donald Trump is Scheduled to speak. At 8:00 pm on April 29th, we will begin assembling our forces on the intersection of Peffer St and Wallace St, behind the park. We will gather in strength and in number until 8:30 pm, at which point we will begin to march.

Due to threats of violence from Trump supporters, we encourage people to show up prepared to physically defend the march, wear black and cover your faces.

We ask for street medics to show up prepared to provide medical treatment, as well as war drummers, street performers, and musicians.

SHUT IT DOWN.

#NoTrump #WarZone #Harrisburg

Call to Action: Camp White Pine to Resist the Mariner East 2 Pipeline in Pennsylvania

from Earth First! Newswire

March 18 rally against the Mariner East 2 pipeline at Raystown Lake in Huntingdon, PA. Photo by Angela Vogel

As the seasons begin to change, something’s stirring in the mountains and valleys of Northern Appalachia.

With construction season upon us, there’s a call for land defenders and water protectors to join the growing resistance to pipelines and fracking infrastructure across the region. In the Susquehanna Valley of so-called Pennsylvania, Camp White Pine is digging in our heels to fight the Mariner East 2 pipeline, and invites you to come join us. Exactly a year after tree-sitters successfully interfered with the completion of tree-clearing along the pipeline route in Huntingdon County, we are once again confronting Sunoco Logistics, the same company responsible in part for the Dakota Access pipeline across Sioux territory in North and South Dakota. The Mariner East 2 is a 350+ mile long pipeline project, comprised of two new pipelines starting in southeastern Ohio, and running through northern West Virginia and across the length of Pennsylvania. These lines will carry natural gas liquids (NGLs) like butane, ethane, and propane to an export facility along the Delaware River in Marcus Hook, PA.

Resistance to the Mariner East 2 is spreading, with impacted residents and organizers working in communities all along the proposed route. Here in Huntingdon, work has already begun at Raystown Lake, the largest lake entirely within Pennsylvania state borders, where Sunoco intends to use a horizontal directional drill to bore underneath and lay the pipe. Sunoco Logistics and its subcontractors have no regard for the beauty of Appalachia, the preservation of its diverse ecosystems and rich culture. They care not for the people of the Lower Susquehanna. We at Camp White Pine are here to stop the Mariner East 2 pipeline. If you have a passion for fighting energy extraction and infrastructure and believe in preserving the forests and rivers of Appalachia, come and join us in the valley this spring and summer.

Get in touch with us:
whitepineresist[at]riseup.net
resistsunocopa.com
facebook.com/resistsunocopa

Libertarians Continue Support for Augustus Invictus as Brutal Assault Accusations Emerge

from It’s Going Down

Editor’s Note: The Hilton Hotel in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania has canceled the Mid-Atlantic Liberty Festival. According to Steve Scheetz, one of the official organizers for both the MALF and the Pennsylvania Libertarian Party 2017 Convention (and Facebook friends with Austin Gillespie), they are currently trying to find another venue

After IGD released an article about how Libertarian Party of Florida member and former Senatorial candidate Augustus Sol Invictus, real name Austin Gillespie, a fascist and fellow traveler within Alt-Right and neo-Nazi circles, was speaking at an upcoming Libertarian Party event in Pennsylvania, we received a flood of emails. These didn’t come from Libertarian Party officials or from Gillespie; instead they came from people within the Libertarian Party who were glad that we were finally shining a light on fascists making inroads into Libertarian circles. On Facebook however, various people connected to the Libertarian Party downplayed the article or claimed that the Libertarian Party of Pennsylvania itself was not officially organizing the Mid-Atlantic Liberty Festival (MALF), or “soiree,” and thus should not be held accountable.

At the same time as this was going on, Gillespie himself issued a statement responding to the article, painting himself as a weak victim. Meanwhile, Will Coley, the former Vice Presidential Candidate for the Libertarian Party who Gillespie is set to debate, also made a statement attacking people who were pushing to shut the event down, claiming it would affect him negatively economically.

Meanwhile, new information has come forward that shows that a second fascist, friend of Gillespie, and another contributor to his website, The Revolutionary Conservative, is also scheduled to speak at the conference. Furthermore, the Libertarian Party of Pennsylvania also gave $1,500 to the MALF in order to help fund it.

Lasty, according to Alexandria Brown, a journalist that interviewed Gillespie several times and had developed a friendship with him, now claims in a recent blog post that Gillespie “raped, brutally beat, and threatened his [19 year old] ex-fianceé with a gun.”

Will the Libertarian Party continue to associate with fascist trash like Gillespie or will they draw a line?

Pennsylvania Libertarians Invite Fascist Augustus Invictus To Speak on Immigration

from It’s Going Down

“It has been said that I associate with neo-Nazis and skinheads. You’re goddamn right I do. I am a criminal defense lawyer, and I am proud of the work I have done for the American Front.”

Augustus Invictus

On Saturday, April 1st, 2017, the Pennsylvania chapter of the Libertarian Party will host the “Mid-Atlantic Liberty Festival and Soiree,” bringing together Libertarian Party members and activists together from across the region. The event will take place at the Hilton Hotel in Harrisburg, the capitol of Pennsylvania.

Micetrap Radio Shut Down

from Philly Antifa

“We recently preformed an attack on the ShoutCast hosting service that was providing the 24/7 radio stream on micetraps website.  The stream was constantly playing the record labels racist music.  We contacted shoutcaststreaming.us after we knocked them offline for a long time and told them to remove the micetrap radio from their systems.  As of today the radio station is now offline.

Just wanted to let you know, the fight is on going, and you are not alone in wanting to take micetrap down.

We are anonymous
We are legion
We do not forget
We do not forgive
Expect Us!” [sic]

 

Looks like Micetrap Radio is down, which is run by Steven Wiegand.

 

Keystone United Member Timothy Wylie Arrested For Various Gun-Related Charges

from Philly Antifa

Timothy Richard Wylie, Keystone United Member

Keystone United, also known as The Keystone State “Skinheads, suffered another setback to their attempts to rehabilitate their image last month when one of their Harrisburg members, Tim Wylie, was arrested in nearby Steelton for several charges, including possessing a firearm as a felon.

From the link:

“On 11-25-16 the Steelton Police conducted a traffic stop in the 200 block of South 3rd Street. The driver identified as Timothy Wylie was arrested on outstanding warrants and was found in possession of a semi automatic handgun with the serial number removed. (emphasis added) He was arrested and transported to the Dauphin County Judicial Center for processing and arraignment.”

Wylie is a proud KU/KSS member who was spotted at their Yule Party this year, hanging around the fringes of the Antifa demo in Harrisburg to counter the NSM last month, and a KU anti-refugee rally at the state capitol last year.

Short Video About Micetrap Distributions – Spread Wide

from Philly Antifa

Our regular readers are probably well aware of Steven Wiegand and his company Micetrap Distributions. However, many people living in Wiegand’s town of Cherry Hill are still totally unaware that he has been peddling Neo-Nazi merchandise there for over 20 years.

So it is our intention to change that and create an environment in Cherry Hill so inhospitable to Micetrap that Mr. Wiegand will be forced to either close up shop or relocate somewhere far away. Like the fucking moon.

So spread this video far and wide, especially to anyone you know who lives in or near Cherry Hill – and that includes Philly.

A Rundown of November 5th in Harrisburg and Some Reflections

from It’s Going Down

This account and the reflections that follow are only a glimpse of the events that took place in Harrisburg on November 5th. I’m not interested in or able to cover the whole of what took place; instead I’m putting forward how I experienced the day (plus a few rumors I heard), what I learned, and some thoughts that came out of conversations following the mobilization. The reflections and critiques apply to myself and those I was with as much as they do to anyone else who was in attendance.

November 5th in Harrisburg, PA

Before I got to the meetup spot, a friend told me that a fascist livestreamer or photographer was present and was filming people. When he was pointed out and confronted, he punched an antifascist, got jumped right away, and left.

By the time I got to the spot, people were just about to march. A few blocks of walking and chanting brought us to a police line behind some wooden barricades. The fascists weren’t scheduled to arrive for another hour. People milled about and a few announcements were made on the bullhorn. More and more police arrived in riot gear and on horseback, strengthening the “thin blue line” between us and the steps of the capital building where the white power rally was set to take place. Slow moments passed uneventfully.

Eventually a man in a confederate flag t-shirt appeared on the steps and with the help of the cops set up a PA for a bit less than an hour. People were becoming more agitated, screaming at the fascist and the police. As the anger in the crowd was rising and more fascists arrived, including klansmen, members of the National Socialist Movement, Keystone United, and the Traditionalist Worker’s Party, I saw people losing patience. Although never in a coordinated or unified way, eggs, rocks, full soda cans, and vegetables flew at the police line, bottle rockets exploded in the air, and police barricades were dismantled. This continued on and off for hours as tensions rose and fell, responding both to our own energy as a crowd and to the actions of fascists and police in front of us. At one point some masked ones began breaking up the cobble stones to make smaller rocks to launch at white supremacy, but were dissuaded by local pacifists.

A lone fascist near the demo was punched and beaten by masked people; police quickly stormed the fight and arrested an antifascist. This again roused anger against the police but no concerted response came from us as a whole.

As the fascists packed up and filed off the capital stairs, everyone could be heard cursing the neo-nazis and cheering their departure. Some people began proclaiming a victory, others grumbled and started to mill around. Some bloc’d up people chanted their intention to find and fight the fascists and began marching. Moving slowly at first, the march blocked streets with trash and newspaper boxes; after turning onto a large street, those at the front of the march saw the fascists in the distance and picked up the pace. Those behind them called for the march to stay tight, unaware that there was an opportunity to finally bang on the neo-nazis. The mix of fast and slow marching led to riot police moving into the street fast enough, stopping the head of the march. From there, those at the front decided it was best to cut losses, leave downtown and disperse. The march changed direction, rushing down smaller streets and throwing trashcans into the street as cops closed in, eventually dispersing. I don’t think anyone from this short march was caught, although I heard one or more people who stayed behind at the steps of the capital were arrested.

Thoughts and Reflections

While talking after the demonstration, some points came up about things that could have been done differently, ideas for how to be more effective in similar settings in the future, and criticisms of both ourselves and the crowd in general. Two themes came out of our discussion: communication and cover; neither was completely separate from the other.

On the 5th, communication between each other and with passersby who might be interested in fighting against white power and white nationalist groups could have been better. There was little in the way of chants, speeches, fliers, or graffiti that communicated to people outside the demonstration why we were there. Even though they told people not to throw stuff at the cops, the crew of clowns did more to send a message (whether I agree with it or not) than many others there. I’m not saying that the demonstration was completely silent and inscrutable though; there were some banners, signs and at least one instance of anti-fascist graffiti. It’d be great to see more communication directed at potential accomplices and supporters. Often this kind of communication can add to the kind of “cover” that I’ll talk about a little later.

Internal dialogue also fell short in my opinion. As masked people, we didn’t come together to coordinate or try to do things that can’t be accomplished by individuals or small groups. If communication during the march at the end had been better, it’s possible that we might have been able to actually lay hands on the fascists as they were leaving. It’s true that beyond the friends I arrived with I didn’t know many people present, but even if we are unknown to each other, it doesn’t mean we can’t propose plans, let each other know what cops and fascists are doing, or just talk in general.

Cover was another topic that came up as something we would like to see more of. By cover I mean the amount of activity, energy, sound, and anonymity that make a crowd feel safe and exciting to take direct action from within. The cover waxed and waned throughout the day. Something that seemed to make the energy intensify was sound. Drummers, chants, fireworks, and the person banging on that stop sign with a flag really added to the feeling of power we felt in the crowd. When the police barricade was broken, people moved banners to line the whole front of the demo, which made those of us behind them feel both more protected and anonymous; it seemed that more throwing took place then too. Holding even taller, reinforced banners, and/or having banners both in front of and right behind us, would give even more cover to protect the people throwing stuff from the many high-grade police cameras that were watching us. Bringing more things to throw, talking more to people who happened to walk by the demo, making fiery speeches (that also communicate our ideas), filling the area with antifascist posters and tags, surrounding ourselves with banners, and having sound and music all contribute to a feeling that we’re powerful and builds our capacity up to do even more.

See you in the streets

PS: I also feel that it is worth mentioning the tension between wanting to attack police and focusing only on self-described white supremacists was still present. Comrades on the west coast have interesting reflections on this that can be worth reading here.