NJEHA Fascists Storm Bordentown NJ Pride

from Jersey Counter-Info

 

Anonymous Submission to Jersey Counter-Info


This past Saturday, July 30, 2022, Bordentown NJ held the city’s first ever community queer pride, which had been rescheduled from June due to inclement weather. The event had been publicly advertised for well over a month and the event plans broadcasted over varying news sites and social media.

Somewhat unexpectedly, five fascists, including Dan D’ambly and Ron Sheehy, from New Jersey European Heritage Association (NJEHA) showed up at Bordentown to disrupt the event and harrass queer community members. While it should be expected at this point for queerphobes of all types to be present at pride/queer events regardless of whether their presence is advertised or not, this shows an overall shift in fascist tactics throughout the state. As covered previously by Jersey Counter-Info, fascists and transphobes as of late have been publicly harassing public forums and event organizers/participants before events. After the said online harassment occurs the transphobes and fascists then turn up at events to continue their assault in person.

The deviation from this prior pattern tells us a few things, but primarily that certain fascist groups are becoming more security minded and using varied protest tactics to their benefit. Excluding NJEHA, all other fascist or transphobic groups in the region such as informal groups led by Terry Beck and White Lives Matter NJ, have been organizing very publicly against the queer community and organizations. There is likely a variety of reasons as to why they use this tactic, whether they are trying to build their organization bases or strike fear into the queer community in advance of an event. Regardless of their reasoning however, their pattern of behavior has enabled the anti-fascists to be able to respond swiftly and shut down the majority of their events, keeping the public safe and taking fascists head on in the streets. Similarly, NJEHA used these kinds of tactics in the past and were also largely unsuccessful. NJEHA’s shift in tactics shows they are becoming aware of operational security concerns and are learning from their past experience. Keeping their plans closed and amongst themselves they were able to avoid having masses of people counter-protesting against them, eliminate the added pressure of public commentary on social media, and have no interruptions in their planning phase.

With NJEHA’s presence at Bordentown pride not advertised, the antifascist response was unorganized. While there were some counter protestors to confront NJEHA the overall response was nowhere near what it should have been. NJEHA members were heckled and addressed by those there but were not disrupted to the point where they were forced to leave or thrown out by the public’s response. They were largely able to do what they came to do and which is a failure of anti-fascists in New Jersey. NJEHA felt enough safety in their actions on July 30, 2022 that they posted propaganda pictures after Bordentown pride on their public telegram account garnering thousands of views. With all of this added together, NJEHA’s actions on July 30, 2022 can be considered a failure of anti-fascists in the region.

Antifascists in this region should adapt to these new tactics and be better prepared for future events where fascists like NJEHA show up.

To NJEHA and other fascists and bigots reading this: Do not mistake this pause as proof of your safety. We are watching.

 

– some antifascists


NJEHA member Dan D’ambly pictured at Bordentown Pride July 30, 2022.

Dan D’ambly is 64 years old and lives at 1102 Blossom Circle in apartment 305 in Dayton NJ. He has two vehicles, a dark colored older model Toyota and a gold colored Cadillac.

NJEHA member Ron Sheehy pictured at Bordentown Pride July 30, 2022.

Ron Sheehy is 55 years old and lives at 207 6th Street in Barnegat NJ. He has a 2012 Jeep

Neo-Nazi Publishers “Antelope Hill” of Green Lane, PA Exposed

from Philly Antifa

Dmitri Loutsik, Vincent Cucchiara and Sarah Cucchiara, proveyors of neo-nazi publishing house Antelope Hill.

The Southern Poverty Law Center recently published a story on their Hatewatch blog exposing the principals behind the Pennsylvania-based White Nationalist publisher “Antelope Hill Publishing.”

Antelope Hill is being run by Vincent and Sarah Cucchiara (née Nahrgang) of 134 Main St., Green Lane PA and Dmitri Anatolievich Loutsik of Lehigh Valley, PA.

Vincent Cucchiara of Antelope Hill Publishing
Sarah Cucchiara of Antelope Hill Publishing. Unsurprisingly, both she and Vincent were involved in anti-choice organizing.

The article goes into great detail about the history of Antelope Hill as well as their ties to the neo-nazi National Justice Party and The Right Stuff podcast.

In addition, check out this thread by AnonCommieStan on twitter, which details other individuals associated with Antelope Hill as well as reveals that Vincent Cucchiara works as a real estate agent at EXP realty. Sarah Cucchiara was, alarmingly, working as a public school teacher until she was fired for racist facebook posts.

[Twitter Link]

Publishers like Antelope Hill do not seem like urgent threats when compared to companies of fascist Stormtroopers operating all over the U.S., but Antifascists should remember the lessons of Resistance Records or Micetrap Distributions. Both of which operated with impunity for years and helped indoctrinate new individuals into Fascist movements. The ripple effect of harm done by those individuals is incalculable. While we don’t advocate for government censorship of these kind of companies, we do think there should be financial, social and personal consequences for profiting off such books as “Hitler: In His Own Words” and using your home to form neo-nazi political parties with Mike Enoch.

As with any political movement, there are factions in Fascism that usually can be divided into Militant Vanguardism and Incremental Entryism. For example, nazi Boneheads vs. Suit-and-tie nazis attempting to infiltrate local GOP groups.

However, like in most political movements, individuals themselves will move between these factions over a lifetime and work with both. Ultimately, the factions are working towards the same or similar goals. While the militant fringe nazis will openly provoke a response with their constant terror attacks, the suit and tie types, in the past, have flown under the radar for many Antifascists.

A prime example of this is the American Renaissance conference, organized annually by Jared Taylor and other “intellectual” racists. While groups like One People’s Project and local Antifascists have long raised the alarm and protested the conference, it took years before any larger responses were mobilized. Yet Amren has been as damaging as any regional bonehead crew or Patriot Front cell.

This is not to turn our nose up at confronting the Fascist stormtroopers, whose role in trying to “control the streets” should also not be understated. The cold reality is we must fight them on both front. We are paraphrasing, but there’s an old quote that goes…”They have a political agenda that must be confronted politically. They also have a physical agenda that must be confronted physically.”

There will always be trendy leftists, who didn’t have the time of day for Antifa before we started getting media and political slander hurled from all directions, who will either dismiss the fascist militants as “idiot thugs” while also dismissing the fascist intelligentsia as “nerd internet nazis.” The reality is they aren’t going to fight fascism, and their insecurity around that compels them to try and discourage others who do.

Publishers like Antelope Hill, podcasts like The Right Stuff and Daily Shoah and their affiliated parties are equally a threat to our communities as any network of Nazi bonehead crews or Attomwaffen terrorists. They are all part of the same movement. Which seeks to “correct” the demographics of the U.S. through mass murder and deportation, destroy the left and feminist movements here, and impose a far right, ultra-authoritarian nationalism. A society of forced conformity through rigid gender and sex roles and eugenics. A nation of militarism and slavery, with themselves at the top.

That’s the world that our enemies want. Moreover, it’s the world we are headed towards if we fail to stop them. On all fronts.

Eternal War on the Hitler Youth (and all fascists),

Big Brick Energy: A Multi-City Study of the 2020 George Floyd Uprising

from Its Going Down

A critical overview and analysis from Unity and Struggle on the George Floyd rebellion. Check out a booklet version here.

by: Ever, Lamont and Chino
photos: Lorie Shaull, Creative Commons

Introduction

The 2020 George Floyd uprising was a major event by whatever measure you use. It deepened the generational Black revolt that began with Black Lives Matter in 2014. It marked the most profound challenge to racial capitalist rule since the 2008 financial crisis. It saw the National Guard deployed to multiple U.S. cities for the first time since the 1960s, and by one estimate, it was the costliest wave of civil unrest in the postwar period.(1) The uprising was rich with lessons, and it will shape a generation of us who moved in the streets.

But rigorous analysis of the uprising remains limited. Many of us haven’t had time to reflect on it deeply: individuals and organizations have had to navigate state repression, sectarian infighting, interpersonal harm shaped by gender and race, and all kinds of tragedies stemming from the ongoing pandemic. More often, clusters of friends and comrades have drawn conclusions from local experience, and lefty commentators have produced think pieces that draw single themes out of the uprising, or spin it to fit their dogma.

Big Brick Energy takes a step beyond anecdotes and hot takes. For a year, members of Unity and Struggle studied the uprising by interviewing fifteen comrades in five cities, compiling news coverage from the same cities, and surveying official reports from local governments and police departments in seventeen cities nationwide. (For more on our methods, see Appendix A.) We drew out common dynamics across locations, identified tactics and strategies that the movement and the ruling class used, explored what worked or didn’t, and highlighted important challenges and questions that a future uprising will likely encounter.

Generally, the uprising involved a common sequence of moments unfolding at different speeds and intensities, based on national trends and local turning points. When the rebellion erupted, it decisively defeated the police and paralyzed the local ruling class, usually for several days. People launched waves of protests and looting, and improvised tactics from community self-defense groups to small autonomous zones. Different factions of the state (and white mobs or fascists) reacted in conflicting ways, but eventually settled on a mix of repression and cooptation that was able to contain the unrest. The movement was channeled into nonviolent protest and legislative reforms, which yielded much shallower gains than most of us hoped for.

Within this story there are many variations and nuances, and lessons to be learned. Below we draw out aspects of the uprising that carry implications for our tactics, strategy, and race politics.

New Jersey Proud Boy Spotted in the Pinelands

from Jersey Counter Info

 

Anonymous Submission to Jersey Counter-Info


An unidentified New Jersey Proud Boy and what seems to be his significant other were spotted on July 3rd at approximately 1:30pm at an Acme Supermarket, located in Pemberton Township, NJ.

The Proud Boy pictured was notably not trying to blend in or subtly flag his membership, and instead seemed to be inviting the public to do or say something.

His presence in the area was also somewhat odd given the timing, as a number of regional and out of town Proud Boys were in Philadelphia for a “Patriot” rally at the exact same time where they were propped up by the cops and allowed to open carry firearms, which is illegal in Philadelphia. While the direct connection between the Proud Boys in Philadelphia and the Proud Boy spotted in Pemberton cannot be 100% confirmed at this time, he and his partner were observed buying a large quantity of hot dogs, burgers, and other BBQ supplies presumably for some kind of timely get together. At this time it is unclear whether this was to support other Proud Boys in Philadelphia after the rally on July 3rd or for a Proud Boys get together for the 4th of July.

Unlike his fellow chuds in Philadelphia, this unidentified Proud Boy did not cover his face or any distinct markings on his body. As pictured, he has a large black spiderweb tattooed on his left elbow, has brown hair, and a full beard.

He is approximately 5′ 9″, 200 lbs, in his 30’s-40’s, and has a stocky build. If you recognize him, please submit any information about him to Jersey Counter-Info or to One People’s Project.

Plan C Stickers Put Up In Camden County, NJ

from Jersey Counter-Info

Plan C stickers were put up in several public restrooms in Camden County, NJ in light of the recent news of the US Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade.

Neo-Nazi Publishing House Exposed in Pennsylvania

from It’s Going Down

[Twitter link]

Hatewatch at the Southern Poverty Law Center has published a report exposing a neo-Nazi publishing house in Pennsylvania:

Hatewatch’s research and analysis reveals that Vincent Cucchiara, 24, and Sarah Elizabeth Cucchiara (née Nahrgang), 25, a married couple residing in Green Lane, Pennsylvania, are two of the individuals behind Antelope Hill. The pair have appeared as pseudonymous spokespersons for the company on numerous far-right podcasts, with Sarah Cucchiara billed under aliases as the company’s editor-in-chief since mid-2021. Hatewatch’s investigation indicates that a third person, Dmitri Anatolievich Loutsik, 25, has played a less public role in the company’s operations. Loutsik appears to have first relocated to Pennsylvania’s Lehigh Valley in 2021, and in late April he bought a house in nearby Harleysville, Pennsylvania, with Vincent Cucchiara assisting as the buyer’s agent.

Since 2020, Antelope Hill has profited from hate by translating historical works by 20th-century Nazis and fascists, offering a publishing platform to contemporary white power propagandists and shipping books around the world using selling platforms including Amazon. This year, they achieved wider prominence when one of their authors, the pseudonymous Raw Egg Nationalist, appeared in a preview for an upcoming Tucker Carlson documentary on masculinity, which is set to air on Fox Nation in June.

The Cucchiaras and Loutsik have a long, shared history as far-right activists, stretching back to their time together as students at Penn State University in the late 2010s. The publishing operation is one aspect of their ongoing participation in the white power movement. Specifically, Hatewatch has found considerable evidence of close cooperation between the Antelope Hill principals and a network of far-right actors associated with the white supremacist National Justice Party (NJP) and The Right Stuff (TRS) podcast network.

3%ers in Bethlehem, PA

from Twitter

Yesterday, local Three Percenters counter protested a March for Our Lives Event in Bethlehem, PA. The Three Percenters are a “Patriot Militia” intent on overthrowing the federal government. Local activists in attendance provided us with photos to freely distribute.

ALERTA BERKS CTY Incel Concert

from Twitter
🚨 ALERTA BERKS CTY 🚨 Incels (involuntary celebates) are holding a two-day concert at Maiers Grove Park (property of Blandon @lionsclubs) starting tonight at 5pm! The location was just disclosed privately to ticket holders about an hour ago. WE NEED YOUR HELP TO SHUT IT DOWN!
Incels are a violent, far right misogynist subculture that exists mostly online, but is inspired by and has inspired mass shooters. It has already left dozens dead. cbsnews.com/news/incel-threa…
Recently, a music scene called incelcore has developed around the subculture – a means of pipelining incels into collaboration with other far right elements, including Nazis. In September, Raven, the organizer of this event, held a concert in Atlanta. dirtysouthrightwatch.org/202…
Marvin Heck is listed as Blandon @lionsclubs‘ contact for the rental space at Maiers Grove Park. His phone number is listed on the club’s webpage. It’s (610) 926-2241. Demand that he cancel the rental immediately. e-clubhouse.org/sites/blando…
You can also reach out to them on their Facebook or email them at BlandonLionsClub@gmail.com. facebook.com/groups/14115103…

Patriot Front Network 10 Member “Mark PA” Identified as Nicholas Wolfgang Kauffman

from Philly Antifa

We’ve been scooped!

[twitter post]

Nick Kauffman (circled), standing in the Shield formation before a Patriot Front march in DC. Kauffman is behind fellow Network

Some nice work by Central Oregon Antifascists in identifying Kauffman as a Patriot Front member.

As discussed in the thread above, Kauffman works as a surgical assistant for the Lehigh Valley Health Network at their Muhlenberg Location.

Kaffman has put up Patriot Front stickers in the area around LHVN’s offices in Allentown, PA, including the Citgo on West Street and the Butz Corporate Center on Hamilton Street.

Patriot Front Sticker put up outside the Butz Corporate Center in Allentown by Mark Kauffman.
Patriot Front Sticker put up outside the Citgo on West Street in Allentown by Mark Kauffman.
Kauffman also put up Patriot Front stickers at the Lehigh Valley Disc Club’s course at Creek Park.

Kauffman’s place of business can be reached at 610-402-8000. We encourage our readers to politely call and demand that LHVN fire Kauffman, who started working their in November, for practices that clearly contradict their standards.

Pennsylvania Patriot Front Leaks

from Twitter

NWXoctober vault.unicornriot.ninja/patr… The Sparring-Central-PA subfolder shows several PA members of Patriot Front, including Dustin Sargent aka ‘Alan PA’, training outdoors: vault.unicornriot.ninja/patr…

from Twitter

Despite this name, the ‘Dallas Stencil’ folder also includes footage of Patriot Front members being detained by police during an aborted night march in Philadelphia on July 7, 2021: vault.unicornriot.ninja/patr…

Several More Fascists Identified in PA – Including 2 Patriot Front Network 10 Members – And One Arrested

from Philly Antifa

Since the massive info leak of neo-fascist group Patiot Front, social media is abuzz with nazis being identified by Anti-fascist researchers.

The Patriot Fail blog has been started to keep the information centralized, but here are 2 PF Network 10 (Eastern PA, NJ, Northern DE and NYC Metro Area) nazis who have been exposed since our last post. “Alexander PA” – aka Devin Heming of Altoona and “Ryan PA” – aka Zachary Stern of Bushkill.

Additionally, a New Jersey Proud Boy named Alvor Bass has been exposed by @ruthlesswe as the major supplier of the Proud Boys’ merchandise.

Finally, Joseph Paul Berger , nazi host of the “Alt Right Armory” podcast, aka “GlockDoctor1488” was arrested by the feds, along with his father, for having an arsenal of illegal weapons.

Well done to everyone working to expose and report on the organizing fascists in our area. Another expose’ on a Patriot Front Network 10 member previously unidentified will be coming shortly, but at this rate someone may beat us to it!

Patriot Front Neo-Nazi “Ryan-PA” Identified as Zachary Ross Stern of Bushkill, Pennsylvania

from Anonymous Comrades Collective

The recent leaks of the neo-Nazi organization Patriot Front by Unicorn Riot has provided the public with a disturbing glimpse into the nation-wide network of a white nationalist group. This has also provided antifascist researchers with a valuable resource for identifying the members of this group. Our contribution to this research in this article is the Patriot Front member who used the alias “Ryan-PA.” We have identified this individual as Zachary Ross Stern of Bushkill, Pennsylvania. Stern’s story, however, has an strange twist. This is our report.

“Ryan-PA”

Zachary Stern came to our attention when he was mentioned in an article about Patriot Front in the Huffington Post, “Inside Patriot Front: The Masked White Supremacists On A Nationwide Hate Crime Spree.” Chris Mathias and Ali Winston wrote:

Videos showing Patriot Front’s retreat included footage of a rental number on the side of one of the trucks. HuffPost has obtained a copy of that truck’s corresponding rental agreement on July 3. It shows that it was rented by a man named Zachary Stern, who listed an address in Bushkill, Pennsylvania, about a two-hour drive north in the Poconos, as his residence. Public records show Zachary Stern owning a house at that same address.

Stern could not be reached for comment as to why he had rented a truck to transport white supremacists to and from a rally in Philadelphia, or whether he was a Patriot Front member himself. His father, who was also listed as an owner of the Bushkill property, declined to comment.

Naturally, we thought this was peculiar behavior for someone to rent a truck for a neo-Nazi organization and refuse to comment about it. Looking into Stern’s background, we found some interesting parallels with a Patriot Front member who used the code-name “Ryan-PA,” and whose member number is “PF-2575.” Rose City Antifa located a photo of this Pennsylvania member in their gallery of Patriot Front members. The photo of “Ryan-PA” located by Rose City Antifa bears a striking resemblance to photos we located of Zachary Stern on various social media accounts.

Patriot Front member "Ryan-PA" (photo from Rose City Antifa).
Patriot Front member “Ryan-PA” (photo from Rose City Antifa).
A photo of Zachary Stern found on Instagram.
A photo of Zachary Stern found on Instagram.

While the resemblance between the individuals in the photos is remarkable, it is not enough to make a conclusive identification. For that we needed something more. Zachary Stern is a tattoo enthusiast and his arms are extensively covered with tattoos. Most imagery of “Ryan-PA” in the Patriot Front leaks found in photos and videos feature him with arms fully covered, making it impossible to confirm his identity by his arm tattoos. However, Zachary Stern also has a distinctive tattoo on the third finger of his left hand. A detailed examination of the imagery of the individual suspected to be Stern also reveal that this individual has an identical tattoo in an identical location.

Zachary Stern's arms are extensively tattooed, as evident by this photo found on social media.
Zachary Stern’s arms are extensively tattooed, as evident by this photo found on social media.
Zachary Stern also has a distinctive tattoo on the third finger of his left hand.
Zachary Stern also has a distinctive tattoo on the third finger of his left hand.
The Patriot Front member suspected to be Stern also has a distinctive tattoo on his finger as Stern.
The Patriot Front member suspected to be Stern also has a distinctive tattoo on the third finger of the left hand.
Collage of images from the Patriot Front leaks of "Ryan-PA."
Collage of images from the Patriot Front leaks of “Ryan-PA.”

For further confirmation, leaked messages posted by “Ryan-PA” also mention an individual whom we have identified as the spouse of Zachary Stern. Considering these factors, this was enough to conclusively identify Patriot Front member “Ryan-PA” to be Zachary Ross Stern of Bushkill, Pennsylvania.

"Ryan-PA" mentioned a name whom we have identified as the spouse of Zachary Stern. We have redacted this name here, but full details are available at the Unicorn Riot Patriot Front Leaks.
“Ryan-PA” mentioned a name whom we have identified as the spouse of Zachary Stern. We have redacted this name here, but full details are available at the Unicorn Riot Patriot Front Leaks.

A Disturbing Twist

Zachary Ross Stern of Bushkill, Pennsylvania was born on March 16, 1993. He has a lengthy involvement in white nationalist circles, but what is disturbing is that this is despite having a Jewish background. We cannot explain the reasoning behind this, but we have encountered this before, as in the example of the neo-Nazi podcaster Diana “Pikachu” Brancoveanu, who later claimed that her years of posting on the internet as a Jewish person was “just a persona.” In 2011 while residing in New jersey, Zachary Stern had a metal band called “Nuklearenpest” who claimed they were “anti-zionist,” but not a “racist/NS band” because “2/3 members are Jewish, 1/3 is Mexican.” However, the band also proclaimed: “VIOLENT RAW BLACK METAL, NUKLEARENPEST OPPOSES THE NATIONALIST POLITICAL REGIME OF THE ISRAELI ZIONISTS.” While we recognize that criticism of the Israeli government is not by itself antisemitic, antisemites and white nationalists often adhere to conspiracy theories about “Zionist occupied governments.”

 

Zachary Stern's now-defunct band "Nuklearenpest"'s entry in The Metal Archives.
Zachary Stern’s now-defunct band “Nuklearenpest”‘s entry in The Metal Archives. [archive]

Zachary Stern was also the person behind “Vanguard Productions,” a small record distribution company named by the Southern Poverty Law Center in their list of hate music. Historical WHOIS records show that “Zach Stern” was the registrant of this record company’s website domain name. 

WHOIS records show "Zach Stern" as the registrant of a white nationalist record company's website.
WHOIS records show “Zach Stern” as the registrant of a white nationalist record company’s website. [archive]
A screenshot from an archived view of the Vanguard Productions website.
A screenshot from an archived view of the Vanguard Productions website.

Besides being a distributor of neo-Nazi music, his company also distributed white nationalist books by the American neo-Nazi leader George Lincoln Rockwell, esoteric Hitlerism guru Miguel Serrano, the fascist Francis Parker Yockey and the like, as well as apparel featuring white nationalist and neo-Nazi imagery.

Some of the items sold through Vanguard Productions as viewed in archived posts of the website.
Some of the items sold through Vanguard Productions as viewed in archived posts of the website.
Some of the items sold through Vanguard Productions as viewed in archived posts of the website.
Some of the items sold through Vanguard Productions as viewed in archived posts of the website.

There is no doubt about Zachary Stern’s position as an antisemite now that we know he is a member of the explicitly racist, antisemitic neo-Nazi organization Patriot Front. We find this particularly upsetting since his family, as seen on social media, seems active in fighting antisemitism.

Research on Patriot Front is ongoing and there are no doubt many more identifications that will be made by antifascist and antiracist groups in the near future. Such identifications are necessary to keep our communities safe and free from hate.


Zachary Ross Stern, Patriot Front member “Ryan-PA”

Date of birth: March 16, 1993.

Last known residence: Bushkill, Pennsylvania.

 

Saboteurs of Rent

from Hypocrite Reader

Get (the fuck) out, slumlord, parasite, hoarded wealth, they graffitied in black or red permutations on the walls and fences of nine vacant homes in West Oakland, California, stolen land they said, held in the portfolio of Sullivan Management Company (SMC) East Bay. Later that morning of May 2, 2021, an anonymous group released a communiqué claiming the actions through Indybay, a local independent media site. The group called SMC’s owner, Neil Sullivan, one of the biggest evictors in the region, “predatory” and the vacancies a “violent force.” These vacancies’ violence manifested in at least two forms: upward pressure on rents by limiting the rental stock; that they are vacant while growing numbers lose housing. On one fence the group painted, “BLACK PEOPLE USED TO LIVE HERE.” “As long as these houses are not functioning as shelter or materiel resource for those who need them most, we must disable and disarm them as weapons of extraction and poker chips for the rich in their apocalyptic games,” the anonymous group wrote, going on to invite others to take similar actions.

To my knowledge, no such sabotage has yet followed in West Oakland or elsewhere in the East Bay area, though in the preceding days and years SMC had been the target of other kinds of direct action and organizing. On May 1, for example, local houseless solidarity group House the Bay demonstrated how to open up a vacant home to house unhoused people—by opening up another vacant SMC unit, setting up an installation inside and circulating propaganda illustrating how to do just that, and holding a block party there and in the street. Throughout the pandemic many of those who rent from SMC organized themselves into what they call SMC Tenant Council. Tenant councils or tenant associations are organizations of tenants living in the same building or sharing a landlord, convened to apply collective pressure on an intransigent landlord. Like other such groups in the tenants’ movement in this period, this council fought a rent strike in the name of rent cancellation, and when SMC struck back with eviction threats they successfully parried. Not only has the desire to see some of these tactics repeated been frustrated, this assembled diversity—rent strikes, home expropriations, and anti-landlord sabotage—is seen together all too rarely; I know of no other contemporary campaign which has integrated these tactics (I use campaign here broadly; the anonymous group indicated in their communiqué they aren’t associated with others).

Participants and documenters of the housed and unhoused tenants’ movement, including myself, have given much attention to the rise of publicized home expropriations and rent strikes in recent years. As for expropriations, Oakland’s Moms 4 Housing, Los Angeles’ Reclaiming Our Homes, and Philadelphia’s OccupyPHA have animated the imaginations of both those who have hoped for such reclamations and those who’ve wondered how to house those without. Of the aforementioned only the Moms’ occupation preceded the pandemic; rent strikes had already been becoming a more commonly rehearsed tactic in the tenants’ movement’s repertoire—thanks in no small part to LA Tenants Union, the largest autonomous tenants union in North America. “Tenants union” typically refers to a body that supports, coordinates, and agitates tenant associations, while the term autonomous indicates independence from institutional funding, a reliance on member funding, and, usually, volunteers rather than staff. As unemployment spread with the chaos of COVID-19, so too did rent strikes and autonomous tenant unions supporting them. In October 2020 a continent-wide federation of such unions, the Autonomous Tenant Union Network (ATUN), held its founding convention. I participated in that convention as a member of the Bay Area’s Tenant and Neighborhood Councils.

As our points of unity testify, ATUN does not believe the housing affordability crisis can be ended without the end of capitalist, colonialist landlordism. Many in this tendency of the tenants’ movement approach our efforts as gathering social forces for revolution by building an independent and agitated support base—by building what some call dual power. By assembling, as the thinking often goes, independent institutions of proletarian tenant power, such as tenant associations and tenant unions, we assemble a force capable of challenging and supplanting that of landlords, capital, and the state in a forthcoming moment of general social crisis. Generally, the dual power account explains this pro-revolutionary potential through the development of the capacities of organizations—it does not provide an etiology of direct actions, such as the home expropriations which spread in the earlier pandemic phases or the anti-landlord sabotage which did not. Direct actions and their consequences can and do spread, intensify, and accumulate more or less independently from organizations, particularly if one understands the term organization to refer only to groups that are formally constituted, as many advocates of dual power tend to understand the term. The role such actions, the informal organizations that sometimes enact them, and their consequences can play in promoting a revolutionary process must also be interpreted.

The late abolitionist communist Noel Ignatiev composed an explanation of the relation between direct action and dual power, a strategy he called creative provocation. Looking to the acts of abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison and John Brown in provoking a cycle of reactions and actions leading up to the Civil War—which he, after WEB Du Bois, reads as the United States’ true revolution—Ignatiev argues that our acts need not necessarily result in observable victories in the present for them to fan embers into the wind that carries them to future conflagration. “[T]he abolitionists…sought to divide all who could be divided, draw a clear line between themselves and the moderates, and establish themselves as a distinct pole against the consensus on the [moderates’] side” and in doing so push the opposition to greater recklessness, leading to the secession that made the Civil War possible. Creative provocation is roughly the inverse of the more widely-held theory of the radical flank effect most commonly exemplified by the oversimplification that Malcolm X’s radicalism made Martin Luther King Jr.’s reformism appear more reasonable. Where this iteration of radical flank theory would explain how to lay ground for compromise, creative provocation does so for revolution; rather than pull the opposition to a newly safe middle, creative provocation cuts the cord between agonists and makes confrontation necessary.

Proponents of dual power in the tenants’ movement may not always have a theory for how home expropriations contribute to their pro-revolutionary strategy—nonetheless they see in them, more or less clearly, a glimpse of the hoped-and-striven-for time to come. More opaque perhaps, if even looked to, is anti-landlord sabotage such as the anonymous West Oakland vandalism of May 2, an ensemble of tactics which may have equal if not greater potential to provoke. Some may, some have, even claim(ed) sabotage jeopardizes the viability of the movement by alienating the public or soliciting state repression, demanding tenants engage only in so-called non-violent direct action, taking the conservative side in an old social movement controversy as to whether property destruction constitutes “violence.” But if we want a world without rent, we must consider all options.

What light might a burning building shed, a broken window refract, a graffitied wall condense, upon the revolutionary prospects of the contemporary tenants’ movement? Since 2013, Philadelphia has been home to the most sustained campaign of such sabotage that I’ve found documented, presenting a crucial case study, though that sabotage aligned itself more against gentrification than with tenants. Only in recent years has the tenants’ movement equaled if not out-scaled the anti-gentrification movement that it overlaps with, in no small part due to the multiplication of autonomous tenant unions. According to one anonymously published zine, Anti-Gentrification Direct Actions: Philadelphia 2013-2018 (AGDAP), anti-gentrification saboteurs committed more than 60 distinct acts with targets including constructions sites, cafes, and private homes, and acts including graffiti, window-breaking, construction equipment destruction, and arson. As the AGDAP timeline shows, these acts of sabotage first spiked numerically in 2015, carrying on the energy from the initial Black Lives Matter upsurge, while the peak of intensity was an arson and riot in a gentrifying neighborhood on May Day 2017. From 2017 to 2018, the number of actions more than doubled, from 10 to 25. According to one Philadelphia anarchist close to the scene from which these actions emerged, who spoke to me on the condition I refer to them only as E, this later moment drew its escalation in part from anti-Trumpism and anti-fascism. (Note that my count refers only to lines on AGDAP’s timeline since in some cases where several, or more, objects of gentrification were destroyed as part of what appear to have been or were claimed as singular coordinated efforts.)

The first couple documented acts occurred eight months apart in January and August 2013 in the Point Breeze neighborhood of South Philadelphia. An article in the local anarchist periodical Anathema from July 2015, “On the Recent Attacks Against Gentrification,” described Point Breeze as “rapidly gentrifying” over the preceding four years, with median incomes increasing from $77,300 to $115,000 and the white population growing by 30 percent. As in West Oakland, the Philadelphians started with graffiti—defacing a few new residential buildings with abstract lines. An action that August targeted a coffee house owned and bearing the name of the developer and landlord OCF Realty, helmed by later city council hopeful Ori Feibush; saboteurs threw concrete through the coffee shop’s windows the same morning the local community organization Point Breeze Organizing Committee (PBOC) marched to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington.

Feibush, who had been in conflict with PBOC over his development efforts, accused PBOC of the attack. PBOC denied responsibility and condemned the vandals, advocating for a criminal investigation and non-violent protest only, accusing them of being provocateurs and part of a supposed tradition of violent tactics that had jeopardized movements going back to the Civil Rights Era. E told me that OCF Realty had likely been targeted due to the attention PBOC had brought to their gentrifying activity—which, E explained, involved a strategy “where they put like fancier cafes in the neighborhoods they were going to gentrify as like a little foothold and then they’ll also like start flipping houses and like renting stuff out and building developments.”

For whatever reason, whether because of backlash from PBOC or something else, AGDAP records no further actions until 2015, when, again, they picked up, perhaps emboldened by a national movement upsurge whose tactics often incorporated property destruction. The first several actions of 2015 again targeted OCF and Feibush. By then, Feibush was running for city council against Kenyatta Johnson, who was endorsed by PBOC and other progressive community organizations. Twice that March, anti-Feibush graffiti popped up in Point Breeze, the first time accompanied by posters and the second time vandalizing his campaign office. Toward the end of the month, an OCF company car’s tires were punctured in West Philadelphia. In April, someone graffitied “Don’t vote 4 Ori” in Point Breeze, leading Feibush to finally snap and blame, again without evidence, his opponent Johnson for the series of sabotages. PBOC again published a statement, this time withholding respectability politics and focusing criticism on Feibush’s history of dishonesty regarding such attacks. One might speculate that the changed social movement environment had altered the tone of PBOC’s response. A fifth attack on OCF upped the ante—destroying several locks and windows at two vacant homes of theirs in South Philadelphia. Johnson defeated Feibush, with Feibush doing especially poorly in Point Breeze. (It so happens that Johnson and his political consultant wife Dawn Chavous were indicted in 2020 on 22 counts from racketeering to fraud, all related to abusing his influence over development-related zoning.)

That June, Anathema republished communiqués claiming the sabotages of cars and vacant buildings in late March and April. In the first of the communiqués, the saboteurs invited others to “let the yuppies and developers know they are not welcome” by “creat[ing] environments hostile to gentrification,” giving instructions about how to pop a car tire and explaining that it’s “a fast and easy way to cause damage to our enemies,” with two tires taking less than two minutes. A group calling itself the Radical Action Network wrote the second communiqué, saying they were “following the lead of the rebels of Ferguson and Baltimore,” justifying their acts “because we are tired of living in a system that constructs houses for the rich, while the poor and working class people get nothing but more police, more jails, more budget cuts, more misery.” Anathema included a third communiqué in the issue, which described the removal of surveillance cameras from a construction site in West Philadelphia’s University City district. The anonymous authors justified their attack in similar terms to the other two communiqués, emphasizing both the simplicity of the action as well as the connection between gentrification and policing. They added, “[t]he removal of surveillance cameras makes room for other more damaging anti-gentrification attacks to be taken with less risk” and expressed excitement for the emerging series of such attacks.

A couple more sabotages occurred in June and July 2015, including graffiti reading “FUCK CONDOS” thrown up on a development in University City and white paint splattered on another OCF Realty car. The introduction to ADGAP explains some of the focus on University City, where Drexel University and the University of Pennsylvania were massively gentrifying West Philadelphia ostensibly on behalf of their students and professors. According to one report, between 2000-2016, the Black population of West Philadelphia declined 35 percent while the white grew 74 percent, with median rents rising 27 percent and median home prices 169 percent.

That summer, Philadelphia anarchists in the area began to specifically defend and promote sabotage as a worthwhile anti-gentrification tactic, writing pieces independent from claiming responsibility for particular actions. I’ve already discussed how the Anathema article from July, “On the Recent Attacks Against Gentrification,” explained some of the focus on Point Breeze. The authors also criticized the tactical narrowness of PBOC and their respectability politics as betraying an opportunity for solidarity. Contrary to the claim that sabotage undermines the movement, the authors argue that sabotage’s positive legacy spans not only the Civil Rights Era but also the more recent earth liberation struggles and the much earlier fight for colonial independence. Instead of competition and betrayal among the factions of the anti-gentrification movement, they advocate at least “avoid[ing] public denunciations and endorsements of police intervention” and at most “stand[ing] behind [sabotage] publicly and be[ing] explicit that different methods exist within the same struggle,” the latter point coming from a position usually called diversity of tactics. Drawing on the anarchist principle of favoring direct action over actions intended to influence politicians, the authors argue that sabotage and expropriation, in concert and among other tactics, “can put a real damper on development” through dissuading the economic agents thereof. They also argue that it’s worthwhile to enact one’s “frustrations with class society” by taking pleasure in destroying that society’s artifacts. Finally, they claim “that every attack is an invitation to act, a call to others to revolt.”

The next month, the anarchist blog Philly Anti-Capitalist published the anonymous “A Concerted Effort Against Gentrification.” “The momentum of recent actions leads us to believe that now is an especially good moment to call for a focused opposition to gentrification,” wrote the authors. They argued that the recent attacks unveil the often concealed violence of gentrification, which, through the displacement of Black residents, is part of the broader violence against which Black Lives Matter moves. These actions “have created a momentum outside of the institutional left” and in this autonomy built the capacity of individuals and groups to take further autonomous action. And as increasing gentrification makes possible the spread and escalation of sabotage across neighborhoods, “resistance will become harder to control.” Such resistance, taking the form of attacks against “the material processes of development,” is difficult to pacify—more difficult, the authors imply, than strategies reliant on so-called non-violent tactics. Beyond the spread of sabotage tactics, the call for concert encourages the convening of in-person reflective dialogues about anti-gentrification strategy—so as to, among other benefits, reduce the “risk of alienating with our attacks people who might otherwise understand our motives and see themselves as part of the same struggle.” Anathema reported a first such gathering happening in mid-July at an undisclosed location, while ADGAP lists another in mid-December.

The strategic reasoning in these two articles differs from, but is complementary with, that of Ignatiev’s theory of creative provocation. While creative provocation describes a process of direct action that develops dual power through action and reaction across a whole cycle of struggles, these authors, iterating on the beliefs of insurrectionary anarchism, focus on the proliferation of tactics and the accumulation of their material effects on both the actors and targets from moment to moment in an upsurging anti-gentrification movement, itself channeling energy from another overlapping movement—Black Lives Matter. E told me explicitly that insurrectionary anarchism influenced them and their peers; these writings, and the Philadelphia communiqués as well, are brimming with that tendency’s concepts. While insurrectionary anarchists indicate insurrectionism as a position organic to all radical social struggle, seeing elements initially stated by early anarchists like the Russian collectivist Mikhail Bakunin and the Italian communist Errico Malatesta, it emerged historically as a self-conscious tendency in Italy during the 1970s, as a reflection on and critique of contemporary Italian movements. It then was transmitted to the US from the 1980s to the 2000s through the anti-nuclear, earth liberation, and anti-globalization movements, where it arguably has become the predominant tendency in anarchism. Sabotage was widely promoted by insurrectionary anarchists; for example, the scene-ubiquitous insurrectionary anarchist quarterly from the late 2000s to early 2010s, Fire to the Prisons, republished an anonymous essay written some time before 2003 probably by someone(s) Spanish, “On Sabotage as One of the Fine Arts,” in a 2009 issue in which they also covered the arrest of the Tarnac 9, a French group of alleged railroad saboteurs also alleged to have authored The Coming Insurrection.

One short essay from 1989 by the Italian Alfredo Bonanno, “Anarchists and Action,” contains the essential concepts. Rather than focus on mass mobilization, anarchists “should identify single aspects of the struggle and carry them through to their conclusion of attack.” Driving toward attack, these struggles should be informally self-organized, rather than embedded in formal organizations, since formal organizations, Bonanno argues, are shaped to a greater degree by capital and tend to infect individuals with a “spreading feeling of impotence” because of the limitations on the kinds of tactics the organizations will support. Finally, rather than accepting compromises by making agreements with opponents, anarchists should insist on “permanent conflictuality.” Direct attack, self-organization, conflictuality—an insurrectionary anarchist trinity. The efficacy of these elements of strategy relies on one further notion, iterated by Bonanno, expressed by early anarchists including Bakunin: the propagandistic effect of deeds; Bonanno emphasizes that even small acts make an impression through their ease of repetition. (E speculated that as the Philadelphia sabotages proliferated, it was likely that the saboteurs included more people from outside the anarchist subculture that initially incited the actions, judging from alterations in tactics and messaging.) The accumulation of subversive acts in accordance with this insurrectionary anarchism, says Bonanno, here nearer to Ignatiev, encourages “conditions of revolt [to] emerge and latent conflict [to] develop and be brought to the fore.”

2015 closed out with a half dozen actions around West Philadelphia, including two separate banner drops against new residential developments, one accompanied by graffiti against racism. There was also graffiti on an upscale bar and a just-opened high-end restaurant called Clarkville.

The next year, the attacks continued in West Philadelphia. In early March, four buildings had their locks glued and their walls painted with messages against gentrification and the police. In late March and early April, vandals graffitied banners hung from construction sites, including a project by OCF. Late May saw Clarkville vandalized again with paint on its windows, signs, and surveillance cameras, one message reading “GENTRI GO HOME.” In the second half of the year, sabotage spread from the West. At some point in June, as part of an international call to action called the Month for the Earth and Against Capital, a construction site was hit with the most sophisticated sabotage of the anti-gentrification campaign thus far. Saboteurs destroyed machines and parts of the building, and removed survey markers. The rhythm of one sabotage a month continued until after the election of Donald Trump, which triggered, as the reader will recall, a substantial uptick in the recruitment and militancy of factions across the left (for the purposes of generalization, we’ll consider most anarchists part of the left). 2016 ended with two vandalism attacks over about two weeks, targeting the South Philadelphia offices of OCF Realty, first the walls with paint and then the windows with glass etch.

In keeping with the tactical repertoire of the ascending antifascist era, 2017’s sabotages would include some in the form of black bloc marches. Black bloc refers to marching masked and garbed in all black, grouping together with all those similarly dressed, so as to not only conceal the identities of individuals but to also make it difficult to identify who is responsible for which acts. Typically, the acts are of property destruction, although in direct confrontations with fascists, the acts often include physical assaults of persons. Before the first such bloc—which assembled on the day of Trump’s inauguration to attack luxury businesses and cars and aligned themselves with prior local efforts through graffiti like “Fuck Gentry Scum”—the year opened on January 12 with a memorial window-breaking in University City in honor of two anarchists who had died in Oakland’s Ghostship fire. From February through April, three actions targeted OCF Realty in Point Breeze: windows broken at a construction site; banners removed from a site in coordination with #DisruptMAGA propaganda; posters against gentrification and Feibush specifically were wheat-pasted throughout the area.

The next couple actions, on May Day, effected a qualitative leap in intensity—each equally reliant on sabotage’s signature anonymity, but anonymized differently, by clandestine darkness and by black mask. In the young hours of that International Workers Day, which is also, as E commented, “an anarchist holiday basically,” 11 OCF townhouses under construction—the same site where vandals broke windows in February—were lit, burned, two falling to the flames, two requiring safety demolition. The average sale price of each home, all of which were uninsured since Feibush was self-financing the project, was $587,500; Feibush claimed the damage exceeded $1 million. Despite concerns such an action might alienate the public from the anti-gentrification struggle, neighbors interviewed by the press all seemed to understand the context, as did the journalists themselves. One local professor recognized it as “classic resistance to new developers.” Another neighbor—“This particular developer has not exactly endeared himself to the Point Breeze community.” Not to be discouraged, at least publicly, Feibush wrote on Facebook that OCF wouldn’t be intimidated; “we’re not going anywhere,” he said. The federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives offered a $10,000 reward for the arsonist(s), on top of which Councilman Johnson offered $2,500 and Feibush $90,000 more. No communiqué appeared claiming the massive sabotage, perhaps because the heightened risk of the action discouraged those responsible from creating a paper trail, but the context lends reason to assume, as Feibush and the public did, that the arsons were part of the ongoing anti-gentrification efforts. As of the latest report from 2020, there have been no related arrests.

Black masks, paint, and broken glass followed the flames, with Philadelphia’s second anti-gentrification black bloc of the year, this time in North Philadelphia. The bloc, made up of 30 to 50 militants according to different estimates, attacked luxury cars and homes, carrying a banner reading “Gentrification is death, Revolt is Life,” dealing over $100,000 worth of damage according to one estimate. They also encountered a consequence of the risk of such a visible action, even while anonymized, even with observers aware of the motivation: a group of residents formed, outnumbering the bloc, eventually containing two of the group, whom police later arrested and charged with causing a catastrophe, criminal mischief, and other alleged crimes. Anathema in their next issue published a defense of the attacks, underscoring the value of direct action and identifying gentrification as part of a social war as old as settler colonialism against which nonviolent resistance is powerless. In a communiqué in the same issue, anonymous self-described “bitches with hammers” considered the action a step up from the Inauguration Day bloc. The writers took responsibility for the bloc’s insufficient preparation and the neighborhood and police response, noted that a couple intended targets had been missed, and recommended several tactical improvements for future blocs.

A couple milder attacks in June and July, as well as an attempted arson at another OCF development, this time in North Philadelphia, brought the year to a close. In 2018, the instances of sabotage more than doubled, more numerous than I can recount in detail. Proportionately, the focus on OCF declined, though the windows at an office and a coffee house of theirs were shattered in separate incidents. The anti-gentrification black blocs were not repeated, and, for the most part the tactics resembled those of years past—graffiti, glass breaking and etching, locks glued, cameras destroyed, banners dropped, tires popped, etc. There were at least four innovations, two tactical and two target-related. Borrowing a trick from the earth liberation movement, in February some construction equipment had its gas tank sugared (although the classic monkeywrenching field manual, Ecodefense, recommends over a dozen alternative, more effective methods to disable bulldozers and the like). Perhaps more effective was a third attack on OCF—toilets at one of their cafes were decommissioned by flushing concrete down them; this sabotage was claimed by the “Summer of Rage preseason softball team.” The phrase Summer of Rage had previously appeared in association with the May 2017 black bloc, which police took to refer to the name of a group; another construction site sabotage, graffiti, and a glue attack at a completed development on 2018’s May Day were claimed by the Summer of Rage Anarchist Crew. As for general targets, saboteurs began gluing ATMs and bike rental kiosks, presumably to limit the monetary and bodily circulation of gentrifiers. More than 40 such actions occurred between February and April. Finally, as Amazon considered a potential HQ2 in Philadelphia, the company’s infrastructure became an anti-gentrification target. Several of their lockers had their electricity cut, a Whole Foods was propagandized with fliers and a banner, and an Amazon truck was torched.

What did any of this accomplish?, one might wonder. The simplest answer, not especially useful for pro-revolutionary theory, would be little to nothing beyond the acts themselves. The authors of the AGDAP zine warn against “creat[ing] a false sense of strength,” and that “past actions [do] not mean resistance to gentrification is thriving,” writing that their hope in documenting the sabotages is to offer “memory and imagination” to all those who might choose to fight in the future. A still-darker view is available. E told me that along with insurrectionism, nihilism too was an influence of theirs, common enough amongst Philadelphia anarchists in those years. In the Anathema issue covering May 2017, the closing article on a tendency referred to as “black anarchy” (in contrast to red anarchy, such as anarchist communism or syndicalism; not to be confused with the Black anarchism developed by peoples of African descent) defines the tendency largely in terms similar to insurrectionism, but with a nihilist attitude with respect to revolution or even insurrection: “all the various ideas, concepts and conceits of an anarchist victory via revolution or insurrection in the current context are nothing more than political heroin.” The option the so-called black anarchist chooses in the face of hopelessness remains “savage attack” rather than “resignation.” If the communiqués and articles are any guide, it doesn’t seem that, at least regarding the claimed actions, nihilism was the predominant view—clearly some people at least pretended to hope for the possibility of stopping gentrification.

When I asked E about the goals of the sabotage campaign, they told me that “insurrectionary anarchy didn’t really have any sort of history like in the recent past in Philly and so like even though like a lot of the stuff was anti-gentrification I also think people wanted to like encourage the development of like practices where people attack things directly”—which clearly seems to have been successful. E added a number of other goals which seem to have been met: “[simply] being in conflict . . . whether people succeeded in stopping all of gentrification or not”; “doing damage”; “frustrating people’s efforts to gentrify”; “to like build individual or group capacity”; “having fun.” All relatively modest, and frankly worthwhile goals for any social movement campaign, reliant on property destruction or not.

Beyond the near-term failure to stop gentrification, it may still be too soon to recognize the provocative effects of these efforts—and in any case, a more comprehensive analysis than this retelling would be needed to really make an assessment. Suffice it to say that the combination in Philadelphia of vacant public housing expropriations and two militant unhoused encampments, before and during the George Floyd Rebellion, were able to win a recently unprecedented 50 vacant properties for a popular community land trust. E was careful to give the credit for that win to OccupyPHA—PHA refers to the local Housing Authority—but also said “I’m sure that that kind of anti-gentrification stuff in this like kind of uncompromising way made space for things like stealing houses to be more acceptable.” Propaganda of the deed, and all that.

With the West Oakland sabotage of SMC in mind—where vandals once targeted the same landlord as did expropriators and a tenant council—one can’t help but wonder what might have been, what might still be possible, in Philadelphia if the saboteurs coordinated, indirectly or otherwise, with tenant association organizing and home expropriation campaigns—and, likewise, what might be possible in Oakland and elsewhere, were saboteurs to sustain momentum in concert with the broader tenants’ movement. This may be possible now in a way it wasn’t before—now that, since the pandemic, the tenants’ movement and its burgeoning autonomous tenant union tendency have reached a scale not seen in recent years, if ever. While gentrification is an enormous, amorphous force, the opponents of tenants are clear: landlords. Though sabotage, illegal and anonymous, is of necessity difficult to communicate and coordinate with directly, tenant union campaigns regularly reach a point at which their activity and targets are public.

With respect to confronting individual landlords, sabotage could be an additional lever with which to move a landlord from their intransigence toward demands and pressures issued from a tenant association; with respect to overturning landlordism as a whole, it may not be enough for every building to have a tenant association, for every vacancy to be expropriated, for every eviction to be blockaded—landlords may need to be driven away from even considering rent collection as a business by encountering tens, hundreds, thousands of sabotages large and small leeching back upon their already parasitic cash flow. The end of rent will require not just the dual power to which a vast network of tenant self-organization contributes but, also, a direct confrontation with landlords that a multiplication of sabotage might help creatively provoke. If saboteurs were to contribute their own humble tactics to the tenants’ movement, the least tenant unions and the like could do would be to stay silent and never call the cops, if not outright embrace tactical diversity. As rent abolition more and more comes to be the revolutionary watchword of tenants, all of its present forms should be recognized and considered—the rent strike, the expropriation, the sabotage. Any act which harms no tenant and inhibits the landlord’s ability to collect is ours with which to provoke the possibility of a revolution for a world without rent. Imagine, a tenants’ movement in red and in black.

 

Local NJEHA Nazi, Dan D’Ambly, Spotted at East Windsor Retro Fitness

from Jersey Counter-Info

Local Nazi, Dan D’Ambly of the New Jersey European Heritage Association (NJEHA), spotted at Retro Fitness in East Windsor, NJ.

 

Dan is a confirmed regular (full paid member he does not just have a day pass) at this Retro Fitness in East Windsor, address 440 Rt 130, South Street on weekday evenings around 5-6pm.

Local NJEHA Nazi, Dan D’Ambly has been out in the open flaunting his Nazi ideology in East Windsor. While Dan has been reported on regularly over the past few years in NJ and his white supremacist activity has allegedly cost him everything from a car, a job, and friends he is still unapologetic Nazi scum.

As you can see here he is openly wearing a Nazi “black sun” and other outward fascist symbols, claimed by neo nazis as a symbol of their ideology.

Dan has also been intimidating members when approached about his attire. Dan is clearly asking for for the left to do something, so why don’t we?

Please call and email Retro Fitness and request to speak with management at (609)277-3642 and eastwindsornj@retrofitness.net respectively. Please use the following script and photos to encourage Dan’s membership to be suspended and for more information about their policies on hate symbols in their gym.

“Hello I am a concerned resident and I am calling to discuss something I witnessed at your gym location. Dan D’Ambly, a member of this gym and self identified neo nazi with the hate group NJEHA, has been wearing wearing Nazi imagery and intimidating other members when approached about his clothing. What is Retro Fitnesses’ policy on hate symbols at your establishment? What steps are you taking to ensure all members are safe at your gym? As of now Retro Fitness is not safe for Jewish, POC, queer, immigrants, and other marginalized people with Dan’s behavoir of intimidation and hate. I request that action be taken immediately through suspending Dan’s membership indefinitely and an assessment/revamping of internal gym policies to prevent this from happening again. Thank you for your time.”

PENN STATE COMMUNITY ALERT: There is a Dangerous B1got on Campus!

from Medium

Content Warning/Trigger Warning

Community Alert! Those in the Penn State and State College community should be aware of a dangerous bigot on PSU campus who advocates for r*pe and wh!te supremacy named AVI RACHLIN. Rachlin uses the handles: resistpennstate (twitter) and avsterbone (reddit). The following report and photographs document only a few of the many instances where Rachlin has committed discriminatory harassment and violence. This info is already public: anyone can research Rachlin to find the same information. The images below have been censored. All community organizations in State College, thank you the work you do, please inform your networks!

Email PSU’s Office of Student Conduct, StudentConduct@psu.edu or call 814–863–0342 to demand Rachlin be held accountable for “discriminatory harassment.” Email PSU Provost Nick Jones (provost@psu.edu) to demand Rachlin be removed from Penn State.

SCHOOL SH*OTING , S*XUAL ASS*AULT, M*URDER

In a reddit thread, Rachlin alarmingly says that if he could get away with it or face no consequences, he wishes to do a school shooting. He says, “I’d definitely shoot up a school,” and “I’d then probably start driving around and shoot at random cars & pedestrians.” In this same fantasy, Rachlin says that he desires to r*ape and m*rder women, if he could get away with it.

G*N PERM*T

Recently, New Jersey police denied Rachlin a gun permit because they deemed him a threat. Police determined that Rachlin has a history of domestic harassment and unhinged, aggressive behavior. See Rachlin v Baumann where public court records detail the reasons New Jersey police consider Rachlin a threat. After he was denied a gun permit, Rachlin violently disrupted a PSU campus rally waving a sign with an image that threatened gun violence. The image depicted Alex Jones holding a pistol aimed at viewers. Over this image the sign said, “Shut the F*ck Up Liberals.” At worst, this image could be interpreted as depicting Rachlin’s fantasy of using gun violence to m*rder students and professors whom he sees as his enemies. At best, the image depicts the kind of gun violence that New Jersey police believe Rachlin might commit if he were to possess a handgun. In line with this, Rachlin has also repeatedly tweeted his unwavering support for armed white vigilantes who murder Black Lives Matter protestors.

WH*TE SUPREMACY & THE N* WORD

Rachlin is an avid white supremacist. He’s proud that people call him a n*zi. He believes “wh*tes should remain dominant.” In a public Penn State discord channel, Rachlin yelled the n-word. Fellow students reported Rachlin to Penn State’s Office of Student Conduct, but Penn State ignored the complaint and did nothing to hold Rachlin accountable. Rachlin also calls people the n word on his reddit account.

R*CISM, M*SOGNY, H*MOPHOBIA

Rachlin has a long history of being a r*cist, mys*gynist, and hom*phobe. Penn State admitted Rachlin as a student despite his public support for r*cism and r*pe. Penn State has also allowed Rachlin to remain on campus despite threatening and assaulting students, professors, and community members at a pro-vaccine campus rally in August of 2021.

S*XUAL IMAGES TO MIN*RS

Rachlin was removed from a gamer community after one its members who was a minor reported that Rachlin had sent them pornographic images. A moderator notified Rachlin he was being removed because he had sent pornographic images to a minor. Rachlin admitted to this and then bragged that he “was a deadass” for committing this violence to a minor.

AGAIN ON S*XUAL ASS*ULT

On numerous occasions, Rachlin has advocated for the r*pe of women. Screenshots from his twitter and reddit accounts show him admitting to engaging in phone s*x with women without their knowledge or consent. He also claims that women who don’t dress conservatively deserve to be s*xually a*saulted. In December of 2021, Rachlin tweeted that “r*ape is good for your s*x life.” In 2018, Rachlin called a Wendy’s restaurant to demand he be allowed to masturb*te on the premises. He recorded this act of sexual harassment for his youtube channel.

AGAIN ON HOM*PHOBIA

In Oct. 2021, Rachlin proudly served as a volunteer for a f*scist and hom*phobic event on PSU campus titled “Pray the G*y Away.” The speaker of the event advocated for conversion therapy. Rachlin recruited other volunteers to join him to help make the event possible. Before the event, Rachlin tweeted a message that denounced LGBTQ+ students, saying support for LGBTQ+ students is “nauseating.”

THREATENING ACTIONS ON CAMPUS

In August of 2021, as mentioned above, Rachlin threatened people at a pro-vaccine campus rally. Several students and professors tried to deescalate Rachlin to protect themselves from his dangerous behavior. In response, Rachlin attacked these people. The Penn State police were called on Rachlin who removed him from the rally. Rachlin then lied to Penn State police, claiming his was victimized. Penn State police sympathized with Rachlin because they share the same anti-vax, white supremacist politics. Penn State police targeted one of the professors who protected students from Rachlin’s violent actions that day. Penn State police unjustly charged the professor for keeping the campus safe from Rachlin’s threatening behavior. The professor was innocent and was later cleared of all charges. The DA and a judge did not believe Rachlin’s lies. So far, though, neither Penn State police nor Penn State administration have held Rachlin accountable for his violent actions that day.

Currently, Rachlin remains on PSU campus. PSU Police have greenlit Rachlin’s dangerous behavior. Say no to white supremacists and r*pe promoters like Rachlin. Share this article to alert the Penn State and State College community. Demand Penn State remove Rachlin from the campus community. People aren’t safe with him around.

As mentioned above, email PSU’s Office of Student Conduct, StudentConduct@psu.edu or call 814–863–0342 to demand Rachlin be held accountable for “discriminatory harassment.” Email PSU Provost Nick Jones (provost@psu.edu) to demand Rachlin be removed from Penn State.