From what we can tell so far: Biden admin transition team chose to keep this Trump pilot program to begin end physical mail in BOP, as is already happening in cruelest state prisons. It was probably easiest for Biden transition team to keep the company’s contract: these companies are powerful, BOP wants to surveil prisoner mail, they don’t care about families and prisoners, and b/c not enough people hold them accountable politically for this. Our staff still being barred from sending physical mail to a BOP institution and forced to send to this company–appears that BOP allows wardens to opt into or out of the pilot program. We are all so desensitized to this stuff that we don’t even recognize that, in a reasonable world, Biden transition would have immediately announced investigation and end to this profiteering instead of quietly continuing the contract that allows wardens to expand it. Keep in mind: Biden issued very mild (insufficient) order re: private prisons but didn’t touch all of the rampant profiteering inside and related to *public* prisons.
Although there’s not much coverage of this issue at the moment, it’s worth learning from the effects of the same policy when it was instituted in Pennsylvania, as covered in outlets such as The Appeal and Mother Jones. There, resistance to the policy included a number of lawsuits and a series of protests by families and outside supporters.
Call to Action from Jailhouse Lawyers Speak and Beyond
Nationwide call to action: August 21st, 2021 and September 9th, 2021 in the spirit of Abolition please clear your schedules to organize demos at your local jails and prisons. Time to raise the awareness levels during these dates. A full Jailhouse Lawyers Speak statement will be forthcoming!
Uprising Defendants
Everyone should support the defendants facing charges related to their alleged participation in the George Floyd uprising – this list of our imprisoned comrades needs to be getting shorter, not longer. Also, as this column was going to print, a post on Philly Anti-Capitalist brought our attention to the case of Anthony Smith in Philadelphia. Info on how to support them here. The status of pre-trial defendants changes frequently, but to the best of our knowledge they currently include:
Amie Eckert Charged with Harassment & Disorderly Conduct at October 2020 Pro-Trump Event She Organized in Easton
Amie Eckert is a Bangor, PA resident and Lehigh Valley Tea Party (LVTP) member who — over the course of 2020 — became increasingly active in organizing for the MAGA and Patriot movements in the Lehigh Valley. She also exported her far-right organizing, going as far as arranging a bus charter and transporting dozens of Lehigh Valley residents to the January 6th fascist coup attempt at the US Capitol Building.
Amie was a regular participant at local “pro-Trump flag rallies” leading up to the 2020 US Presidential Election. She was so active, in fact, that she quickly began organizing more flag rallies herself. Take, for example, this event that took place in Easton on October 30th, 2020.
At this particular event, Amie was charged by Palmer Township Police for harassment and disorderly conduct. Of course, she lawyered up, hiring LVTP Chairman Tom Caroll as attorney. If the name Tom Caroll sounds familiar, it may be because he was forced to resign from his position as Assistant District Attorney for Northampton County after a he engaged in a racist prank against a black colleague.
Caroll succeeded in convincing the court to drop Amie Eckert’s charges. But the fact that charges were laid against Eckert in the first place speaks to her willingness to engage in elevated confrontation with political opponents far beyond passionate dialogue.
Amie Eckert Chartered Buses from Lehigh Valley to the November 14th & December 12th “Million MAGA Rallies” in Washington, DC
Amie Eckert’s far-right organizing extends well beyond the Lehigh Valley. Eckert organized bus trips to both the November and December “Million MAGA Rallies” in Washington, DC. Both of these events were covered widely in the media due to the extreme violence and mass intimidation that far-right street brawlers carried out on DC residents and anti-racist activists.
In the weeks leading up to both of these events, activists in DC raised alarm bells and implored white liberals to acknowledge and respond to this burgeoning campaign of fascist violence. Aside from a small contingent of committed activists, calls to show up and outnumber the Proud Boys and their coalition partners largely went unanswered.
Among the Lehigh Valley residents that Eckert bused to DC was Benjamin Jacques. Eckert and Jacques expressed their support for the Proud Boys — a far-right street gang — in the below screen capture from Eckert’s November 14th Facebook post. Not only did Eckert and Jacques express support, they admitted interest in starting a local chapter and went as far as e-mailing the Proud Boys organization. Eckert suggested that Jacques (a graphic designer) begin work on a flag design for their “division.”
Not only did Eckert and Jacques communicate with Proud Boys online, they actually formed real life connections at the December 12th “Million MAGA Rally.” Take for example, Jacques’ Dec. 12 Instagram post featuring a photo from this event. In the photo, Jacques poses with a unit of Proud Boys and other far-right street brawlers in full tactical gear. Included in this photo is Philadelphia Proud Boys President Zach Rehl, who was captured on video repeatedly as he helped direct the fascist coup on January 6th. Also in the selfie is Dion Cini, a far-right provocateur with ties to neo-Nazis who actually breached the US Capitol Building at the aforementioned coup. A third person posing for the selfie is Philadelphia Proud Boys Vice-President Aaron Wolkind-Whallon. All three men display the “white power okay sign” in Jacques’ selfie.
Some info pulled from sources linked above. Thank you to all researchers who laid the groundwork for us to identify these individuals.
We know that Eckert marched the streets of DC threatening anti-racist activists with members of the Proud Boy street gang because she live-streamed it to her Facebook profile. In the video below, you can actually see the moment that Benjamin Jacques asked these Proud Boys for a selfie.
In another live-stream from December 12th, members of Eckert’s crew walk past the US Capitol Building and discuss the police presence. One man asks “Do they really think we’re gonna rob the Capitol?” to which a second man replies “Well, we won’t today. But we might.”
As the video above implies, these November and December “Million MAGA Rallies” can best be understood as dress rehearsals for the fascist coup attempt at the Capitol on January 6th, 2021.
Amie Eckert & the LVTP Charter Bus to January 6th Fascist Coup Attempt at US Capitol Building
On December 19th, 2020, Amie Eckert posted to her Facebook account imploring her followers to join her on the multiple buses she was organizing for the January 6th “Stop the Steal” rally-turned-coup-attempt in DC. Three days later, on December 22nd, the LVTP posted a flyer to their website and Facebook page advertising a bus charter to DC. It’s clear that the LVTP’s bus charter and Eckert’s bus charter are one and the same because the flyer reads “Contact Amie ASAP: 484.626.2529.” A comment on the LVTP Facebook post reads “Guns optional?”
This comment serves as a good representative of right wing online chatter in the weeks approaching the January 6th coup attempt at the Capitol. And Amie Eckert’s social media posts were no exception. Below are several posts from her Facebook account that indicate a militant disposition to the approaching event.
Most images and commentary about the January 6th coup attempt have since been removed by Eckert and her associates. However, we were able to capture comments by Benjamin Jacques which confirm Eckert and Jacques’ J6 contingent were on the steps of the Capitol engaged in direct confrontation with Capitol police:
“We were on the front line… On the steps… We were tear gassed, pepper sprayed… peppered pellets.”
This next subject is incredibly sensitive, and we have done our best to handle it with care. We have never and will never post images of children; even images from violent, far-right political actions. That said, the information below is so egregious, we felt we had to address it.
Amie Eckert Brings Her Elementary-Age Child to Fascist Rallies, Child Streams Confrontation & Poses for Photo with Proud Boys
Unfortunately, Amie Eckert has made a habit of bringing her elementary-age child to the events described above. While we could not confirm that Eckert brought her child to DC on January 6th, it was very clear that Eckert brought them to the November and December “Million MAGA Rallies.” In December, she actually allowed her child to live-stream their march with Proud Boys on the streets of DC.
During this live-stream (taken from Eckert’s phone and broadcasting to Eckert’s Facebook profile), her child wandered among a crowd of Proud Boys capturing video. It’s important to point out that the Proud Boys have recently been classified a terrorist group by the Canadian government, and the FBI considers them an “extremist group with ties to white nationalism.” After the crowd began marching, their group engaged in verbal altercations with DC residents; verbal altercations that the child engaged in personally.
In another video captured from her Facebook profile, Amie Eckert’s child anticipated the antifascist presence in DC, saying “I think antifa is here if I’m not mistaken. Because there are so many cops coming up. I hope they’re here.” Offscreen, a man can be heard asking the child, “You gonna beat them up?”
The next topic is likely the most egregious action that Amie Eckert took in regard to her child at these fascist rallies. At the November 14th “Million MAGA Rally” in DC, she had her child pose for a photo with two Proud Boys in tactical street-fighting gear along with the text “(child’s name) and the Proud Boys.”
It’s bad enough to personally throw one’s support behind a fascist movement. It’s bad enough to personally view white nationalist paramilitaries as one’s friends. But to bring a child to fascist rallies where white nationalist paramilitaries engage in violence against local residents… the irresponsibility cannot be understated.
In Conclusion
Over the course of 2020, Amie Eckert rapidly radicalized around the MAGA movement. She organized events in support of this fascist movement. She was charged with harassing a political opponent at one of these events. She repeatedly posted racist, transphobic, and conspiracy-driven memes and messages on her social media accounts (see below). She organized bus charters to multiple violent, fascist rallies; including the January 6th coup attempt at the US Capitol Building. She brought her elementary age child to these events and had them pose with members of a far-right street gang. For all these reasons — in the interest of community safety — we have compiled this article, as well as the information below.
Additional Information:
Full Name: Amie Lynn Eckert AKA: Amie Yankowy DOB: 4/19/1976 (age 44 at date of writing) Address: 6787 Fairview Ave, Bangor, PA 18013 Home Phone: (610) 264-8459 Mobile Phone: (484) 626-2529 Mobile Phone (possible): (610) 462-4826 Email Addresses: ayankowy@yahoo.com ayankowy@gmail.com Facebook Account: https://www.facebook.com/amie.eckert.5 (Another FB, possibly linked to business account: https://www.facebook.com/pete.sells99) Political Groups and/or Movements: MAGA, Patriot, Tea Party
We appreciate y’all’s support so much and we know it’s been a long road already, but we still have a ways to go before we can #dropthecharges and truly #freeant. We’ve added a linktree in the bio so you can more easily find all of our links to support and please save/share/engage with these graphics so that a.) our community can know how and where to best support Ant and b.) we can mass share with y’all that we have new modes of donating (we heard the requests to have more than PayPal), an updated/new PayPal link, and a Twitter that is now live! . Thank you all again for everything you’ve done already and will continue to do. Having Ant with us is the best feeling and we need him here in our community free of all charges so that he can continue to support his people who rely on him and love him, continue to support our youth, and continue to support our movements as an irreplaceable and beloved member of our neighborhoods. And as always, we name that Ant is not an isolated victim of state and carceral oppression and we stand in solidarity with other political prisoners and incarcerated folks, so when we say #FreeEmAll know we mean that. Let’s Gooooooo!
Doug Wright left home at age fourteen and became involved in radical leftist activities and anti-war rallies in California. Shortly thereafter, Doug picked up train hopping and made his way all over the country. On one occasion he accidentally found himself in Anderson, Indiana where he met people with a music company that hosted all-age punk rock shows. These folks became Doug’s new family for the next five years.
Doug was then in Cleveland during the Occupy movement and became the target, along with three other activists, of an elaborate FBI setup operation. They were accused of plotting a series of bombings, including that of an area bridge. However the real story is that the FBI, working with an informant, created the scheme, produced the explosives, and coerced the four of them into participating. Doug received the longest sentence of all the Cleveland 4 – 11.5 years.
Doug’s life has been a series of tests, trials, and tribulations. Prison has been no different. He is luckily entering the last year of imprisonment, but his struggle is not over. Because he will be on lifetime probation, he will be unable to travel and live nomadically in the way that he loves again. Please join us in sending some heartfelt messages of solidarity to him.
This event will be held on Jitsi – we’ll post the meet link on social media the day of. You can also message us to get the link beforehand.
If you are unable to join us on Monday drop Doug a line at:
Images of Jason Jenkins, who accompanied Raub Middle School Social Studies teacher Jason Moorehead to J6 “Stop the Steal” Rally in Washington, DC.
The Allentown School Board zoom meeting this past Thursday night saw parents, students, and community activists speak out in fierce opposition to the reinstatement of confirmed J6 “Stop the Steal” attendee Jason Moorehead, a teacher at Raub Middle School. While the overwhelming majority of speakers opposed Moorehead’s return to Allentown schools, there were a few community members who spoke in favor of the Social Studies teacher.
Among them was Jason Jenkins, a disgraced Allentown lawyer whose license was suspended in 2012 for stealing money from his clients. During the public comment segment of the school board meeting, Jenkins claimed he was with Jason Moorehead in DC on January 6th. A direct quote: “I was with Jason Moorehead on January 6th so I know he never went within a mile of the Capitol building. And this is an easily verifiable fact.” Jenkins argued that he and Moorehead were nowhere near the violence at the Capitol building that day.
Jason Jenkins’ comments at the February 11th School Board Meeting are interesting, because they conflict with the comments Jenkins made on his Instagram on January 7th (the day after the J6 Capitol Riot).
To be clear, Moorehead’s choice to attend the J6 “Stop the Steal” rally-turned-riot is reason enough for him to never teach a student ever again. So any other details are besides the point. That said, Jason Jenkins’ Instagram comments cast serious doubt on Moorehead’s public accounting of his actions in DC that day.
First and foremost — if Jenkins and Moorehead never got within a mile of the Capitol building, why did Jenkins geolocate his post to “U.S. Capitol Building in Washington, DC”? And if they were never within a mile of the Capitol building, then why would Jenkins post to his Instagram page on January 7th — the day after the riot — “Tear gas, flash grenades, rubber bullets, etc. So much to say and lots of my videos I have to sift through before I’m willing to share, if ever.” In the comments section below Jenkins’ photo, a user posted “Oh wow jason, you were there? Must have been crazy.” to which Jenkins replied “you have no idea,” further inferring that Jenkins and Moorehead were close to violence while in DC.
US Capitol Building with 1-mile radius added.
You don’t see flash grenades or rubber bullets from a mile away. In fact, there is no place in Washington, DC one mile away from the Capitol building where one can see anything save the dome. Jenkins’ geolocation, in addition to his comments, imply heavily that he and Jason Moorehead were far closer to the Capitol building than they claim. And what is even more suspect — Jenkins claims to be sitting on video from the January 6th “Stop the Steal” rally-turned-riot that he will likely never share.
Later in his public comment, Jason Jenkins condemned the Allentown School Board for not contacting him as part of their investigation into Moorehead:
“Not one person from the district has so much as called me, given me a text, an e-mail, nothing. Nor the other four people that were with Jason that day. None of us. We were willing to sign a verification or affidavit under penalty of perjury, that Jason would affirm his actions and his whereabouts. Nobody has asked us to do so.”
Considering Jenkins’ history stealing money from his clients, and the subsequent suspension of his license to practice law in Pennsylvania — is he really a reliable eye witness to Jason Moorehead’s actions? Given his multiple, conflicting accounts about his experience in DC on J6, we can only conclude that his statements are not to be trusted.
Jason Jenkins attempted to advocate for his friend at the Allentown School Board meeting. But he likely ended up hurting Jason Moorehead’s case. Jason Jenkins can’t get his story straight, and any comments he makes at School Board Meetings past, present, and future, can only be understood as unreliable. Given Jason Jenkins’ public admission that he traveled to DC in support of the fascist “Stop the Steal” rally with Jason Moorehead and four of their associates — in the interest of community safety — we have compiled this article, as well as the information below.
More information:
Name: Jason Anthony Jenkins Address: 2121 W Greenleaf St. Allentown, PA 18104 Phone: (610) 439-0865 Email: jjenkinsesq@aol.com Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/jjenkinsesq/
Image that originally alerted the Allentown School District to Jason Moorehead’s attendance at J6:
Join us for our February anarchist discussion! Following on the heels of our previous reading on communist egoism, we’ll be doing a long-ish reading from Stirner for his thoughts on the subject for a more individualist perspective.
We’ll be reading two sections from The Unique and Its Property: I Have Based My Affairs on Nothing and section 2.2.2, My Intercourse. You can also listen to the first essay here. This reading is rather long so we suggest starting early!
Discussion will be held on Sunday, February 21st from 1-3 pm EST.
As usual, this one’ll be online on jitsi in the room viscerapvd. Email us for the password at viscerapvd[at]gmail.com!
Gerard Stezelberger, Prolific Dealer of Nazi Memorabilia
Gerard Stezelberger of Slatington, PA is known to most as the owner of Relic Hunter Firing Line, a gun shop and shooting range in the Lehigh Valley. However, most Lehigh Valley residents are not familiar with the shop’s origin story. Namely, that Relic Hunter Firing Line was funded by Stezelberger’s online business RelicHunter.com, a major distributor of authentic Nazi gear.
Screencap from the RelicHunter.com Facebook page.
Viewing RelicHunter.com on the Internet Archive, we can see that Stezelberger’s web site explicitly specialized in selling Nazi memorabilia from 2003 until 2016. A deeper dive reveals that Relic Hunter was a high-volume online store. Old Nazi memorabilia was constantly going out the door, and was quickly replaced by more.
As for Stezelberger’s reason for selling Nazi gear, he claims in a 2006 capture of RelicHunter.com, “We’re first and foremost collectors… We’ve decided to become sellers, because of the lack of quality ORIGINAL items we see in the market.” He possessed so many Nazi hats, uniforms, posters, and daggers, that he felt personally responsible to start a business and ensure everyone have access to “quality” Nazi items.
A 2006 capture of RelicHunter.com.
Despite Stezelberger’s supposed commitment to providing original Nazi collectibles, a 2016 forum thread on MilitariaCollectors.Network details concerns about counterfeit Nazi gear. One commenter spoke to Relic Hunter’s notoriety as a dealer of Nazi memorabilia, and referenced Stezelberger as a “downright bent crook.” In CROH’s opinion, making money as a dealer of Nazi wares is deeply unethical, period. But it’s interesting that even among the unscrupulous bunch who buy and sell those Nazi wares, Gerard Stezelberger could be called a “crook.”
Michael “Safear” Ness is an imprisoned abolitionist organizer at SCI-Fayette in Pennsylvania. IA is an outside friend and comrade.
IA: When and how did you become an abolitionist in your thinking? And in your practice?
Safear: I’ve been radical since before abolition was in my vocabulary. Meaning, I was always someone who wanted to understand things from their source. The status quo of white society never appealed to me. However, I wasn’t politicized until I came to prison.
In prison I was introduced to the teachings of Islam. Islam teaches the principles of establishing justice and forbidding all forms of oppression. So, Islam gave me the principles of justice. Abolition showed me different areas to apply them.
From the greatest principles of Islam is preventing harm. Prisons don’t prevent harm. They haven’t made our communities any safer, nor the world any better. No, they cause more harm. That’s why we need to abolish the Prison-Industrial Complex.
IA: As you began learning about abolition, which ideas, readings, or lessons really hit you hardest?
S: You gotta learn the history. The real history. Not that bullshit you were taught in middle school. I’m talking Our History is the Future by Nick Estes, showing the true foundation of this country. And Rethinking the American Prison Movement [by Dan Berger & Toussaint Losier], showing the real history of prisons here. Reading about George Jackson and the prison rebellion years gave me motivation. Those comrades showed me it is possible to fight the best from within. Ruth Wilson Gilmore gave me the intellectual confidence. Of course George was an intellectual in his own right. But Gilmore’s current analysis of the Prison-Industrial Complex gives you the tools to converse from an academic standpoint. And Angela Davis gave me the spice. She is a wordsmith. I love adopting her the construction of her arguments because they are flawless.
IA: What are some traps or hangups you want to help others avoid?
S: Just because every person has the potential for redemption doesn’t mean that everyone has reached that level yet. Trust has to be earned. Your inner circle should only be people of integrity. Be mindful of who you disclose strategy to, and who you introduce to outside comrades. Make sure they are battle tested. Also, don’t get arrogant. Stay humble. Lower yourself to serve the people. When it rams the benefit flows to the valley. Don’t put yourself on a pedestal. The world will still spin when you’re gone, try to make a difference while you’re here.
IA: What makes a good abolitionist teacher?
S: I’m not impressed with eloquent speech alone! A good teacher acts upon the knowledge they’ve acquired. You’ll never know a person’s true intentions, but you can witness their actions. When you find a teacher leading by example, learn from them. You don’t know how long they’ll be around.
IA: How comfortable were you, in the beginning, trying to have conversations about abolition with other people on your block?
S: First, this work requires stepping outside of your comfort zone. If you’re always comfortable, you’re not doing enough. My advice is, either speak with knowledge or remain silent. If you don’t know, just say “I don’t know, but I’ll do some research then I’ll get back to you.” If you do that, people will recognize your speech is precise. Then they’ll start to listen.
Educational dialogue is an art, and like any art, it requires practice.
You can’t give what you don’t have. You can only speak according to the information you’ve acquired. Knowledge can be gained by study or experience. Take the time to acquire it before you open your mouth with an opinion.
IA: What advice can you give someone who wants to start an abolitionist study group from the ground up?
S: Build relationships first. This work is more than business, it’s personal. It’s creating a world where even the idea of sending someone to prison is far-fetched. Doing this requires changing the way we interact with each other. It’s removing this idea that other humans are disposable. This requires not only theory, but practical application.
Evaluate the condition of the people. Instead of entering a space thinking you have everything figured out, ask: What is needed? A scholar once said “Every field has its men, and a person speaks according to their level of knowledge.” Everyone has a part to play in community. People bring different skillsets to this work. Some may be teachers, some may be warriors, some may be both of these and more. Our job is to create space for each person to do what they’re good at.
Speak to the people in the language they understand. Some folks are pacifists, some are George Jackson. Address each person accordingly.
Prisoners are trained to sniff out bullshit. We learn quick how to tell if someone is running game. Are you really living what you’re teaching? Is your handshake matching your smile?
Be mindful of the authorities. They don’t take kindly to organizing the captives in their dungeons. Try to stay under the radar as long as possible. Build up the comrades to be as self sufficient as possible.
Pick your battles. If you’re truly living abolition, conflict with authorities is inevitable. Don’t let this discourage you. If you’re not getting any resistance you’re not doing something right.
IA: Why do you do this work, comrade?
S: We’re all gonna die sooner or later. We can’t control that, but we can control how we live. I want to die knowing I did my best to change the world.
On January 6, Jason Moorehead, a social studies teacher at Raub Middle School in Allentown and Woman’s Row Coach for Lehigh University, took a photo of himself at the “Stop the Steal” rally that incited the deadly fascist riot at the Capitol Building later that day. A picture shows Moorehead in a MAGA hat and waving a yet unidentified flag. Later that day he boosted a post that made light of the storming of the Capitol Building.
The next day, Allentown School District Superintendent Thomas Parker announced in a letter the suspension of an unnamed staff member who was “involved in the electoral college protest that took place at the United States Capitol Building on January 6, 2021.” Moorehead has since been confirmed to be that unnamed staff member.
Moorehead quickly lawyered up in order to challenge the suspension. On January 23, Moorehead and his lawyer were given a national platform by Michael Smerconish on CNN. Moorehead claims that he was no closer than a mile away from the Capitol Building and didn’t break any laws that day. His lawyer, Francis Malofiy, argued that Moorehead’s First Amendment rights are being violated. On January 28, Moorehead’s supporters organized a call-in to the Allentown School District Board Meeting asking for him to be reinstated, one person comparing his plight to the victims of Nazi Germany.
Moorehead and his sycophants miss the point, of course. No one denies that Moorehead has the right to free speech and assembly, but that doesn’t necessarily translate into employment protections. The fact of the matter is that Jason Moorehead is either a willing and knowing participant in a fascist political movement, or he is wholly unqualified to teach middle school social studies. Whether the former or the latter is true, he does not belong in an Allentown classroom. The safety, educational development, and rights of the students are fundamental to the operation of Allentown School District. Moorehead’s employment as a teacher disrupts the school district’s ability to maintain a safe learning environment for the students of Allentown.
Submission
This summer we’re hosting the 2nd annual Philly Skillshare Convergence! Mark your calendar for the weekend of June 11th!* This year’s skillsharebis a free weekend long event with the intention of strengthening our individual and collective capacities to survive, grow, heal, build, organize, attack, imagine, dream, and live in anti-capitalist, anti-authoritarian ways. We’re looking for people interested in giving skill building workshops and holding discussions around the theme of liberatory struggle. We generally want workshops to be about an hour long. We are also looking for tablers.
If you’re interested in presenting or tabling please send us a brief description of what you have in mind and how it connects to the theme mentioned above, along with the best way to reach you, and a 2-5 sentence description for promotional purposes.
The *~*hard*~* deadline for submissions is April 15th!!
Send your proposals to hereandnowzines@riseup.net
We also need help with promotion, day of setup & breakdown, food, holding down the welcome table, accessibility, and organizing entertainment. If you want to lend a hand or have other ways you’d like to participate, please reach out.
Image: “Bars 1” by Josh MacPhee, thanks to JustSeeds. Description: Black background, with white bars bent and broken in the middle.
Stephen Wilson, a Black queer abolitionist organizer and a prisoner of the state of Pennsylvania, is once again facing retaliation, harassment, and repression at SCI-Fayette. A rank-and-file prison cop named Digiacomo, who has for months made a habit of targeting Stevie, recently had Stevie sent to solitary confinement (the hole) on a completely fabricated and un-corroborated write-up. The prison’s official kangaroo judicial theater predictably backed up cowboy cop Digiacomo, and sentenced Stevie to 30 days’ time in the hole. Now, following the fantastic allegations of the write-up, they argue that Stevie is a danger to the population at Fayette, and they plan to transfer Stevie. If it could happen right away, Stevie would welcome a transfer away from Digiacomo and Fayette’s abuse. But here’s the thing: the PA-DOC’s prison transfer queues are backed up for months, which means that Stevie’s 30 days in the hole has been extended indefinitely through a procedural and logistical loophole.
This most recent fabricated write-up from Digiacomo accuses Stevie of verbally threatening another prisoner. That person, along with everyone else in ear shot during the time when Digiacomo says this supposedly happened, denies ever having been threatened in any way by Stevie. Stevie, very familiar with the prison’s internal hearing process, called four witnesses well in advance of his hearing. Yet Stevie was denied this right by the hearing examiner, who cited the logistical inconvenience of bringing the witnesses a few hundred feet to the hearing. Stevie replied by suggesting that the examiner herself visit the block and ask the witnesses what happened, to which the hearing examiner said that even if she did that, she would still believe Digiacomo. Then she suggested that, by the prison’s hearing rules, she would be required to take the guard’s word over a prisoner’s. Or 5 prisoners, in this case.
Pretending to be doing Stevie a big favor, the hearing examiner promised to transfer Stevie to a new block after his time in the hole, to separate him from Digiacomo. The examiner seems to have remembered the history of Digiacomo’s one-sided obsessive harassment of Stevie. The hearing examiner had commented on this months earlier, at another hearing, when she said to Stevie, “Wow, he [DiGiacomo] really has it in for you.” This writeup, now resulting in what amounts to a conviction in the twisted internal prison hearing system, could keep Stevie locked up well past his minimum by giving an already hostile parole board an easy excuse to defer his release. It must be reversed and removed from his record.
In the short term, thanks to the backed up transfer schedule, Stevie could be looking at half a year in solitary confinement. That means no yard, one short call a week, literally no time out of cell, no access to the prison’s email service, no commissary, no human interaction (unless you count guards), dangerously cold temperatures, and an all-day blaring TV set to some vapid news reports on loop. Officially, Stevie’s maximum time in the hole is 30 days. This is due to a weak limit put in place for people who, for mental health reasons, are deemed especially vulnerable to the psychological (and physical) terror of solitary confinement. When we asked him about the indeterminate solitary sentence being in violation of this limit, he said “in the end, they can do whatever they want.”
Blatantly maneuvering around their own pathetically inadequate rules (even according to their own logic), SCI-Fayette has consolidated its efforts to isolate and separate Stevie. The process was initiated by an angry guard known by prisoners and some guards alike as an especially violent and out of control goon, and it was completed through the administrative hearing system. Finding yet another way to weaponize the virus that runs rampant through PA-DOC’s compounds, Fayette has Stevie locked in the hole on a sentence so indeterminate that it isn’t officially recognized as a sentence at all. His release from the hole is not pending approval by a board or the expiration of the term, but some future logistical solution to the transfer backlog, who knows when. The cops at SCI-Fayette have exemplified the prison’s reaction to the perceived threat of prisoner activism and organization, employing a combination of acutely racist and personal hostility, mindless bureaucratic procedure, and “factors” claimed to be “out of their control.”
Last time Stevie was sent to the hole, which was also an act of retaliation by Digiacomo, Stevie was abruptly grabbed and hauled down there with no time to prepare his things. The prison failed to deliver his blood pressure medicine for almost two weeks, putting him at serious risk of stroke. In the process of being transferred he was stripped of his eyeglasses and his partial denture. The glasses took over a month to replace, impairing his ability to see and read in the interim, and his partial has yet to be replaced, over 2 months later. As a result, he still has difficulty eating and reports having dropped weight.
These acts of violent retaliation against Stevie are not exceptional. They are almost quotidian reactions of the prison system against anyone who dares engage in such radical practices as speaking with other prisoners about prison abolition, convening reading and study groups, telling people outside about the conditions inside, and, perhaps most offensive to the Fayette regime, using the prison’s own grievance system. It is vital that we respond to and really oppose retaliation against Stevie, and everyone inside who puts their health, safety, and—thanks to the indeterminacy of ranged sentences and the absolutely bankrupt parole system—freedom on the line. Below are some actions that we are asking you to take to get Stevie’s back. More are coming soon.
Look out for phone zaps–actions where we flood the guards with calls to let them know that Stevie has strong, informed outside support. The first one will be later this week.
Call in starting now. These are ongoing scripted calls to the main PA-DOC office, to let them know what’s happening at Fayette and (more importantly) to let them know people are following Stevie’s struggle against repression. These are not like calls to electeds–we are not asking for a vote or a favor. Prisons operate on the experience-based assumption that no one outside knows what’s happening inside. Calls break that assumption, and can really help force small actions on the parts of administrations and guards.
Write to Stevie. Send him articles, poems, artwork, and words of encouragement. These help support him personally, and they show the prison the depth of his support out here.
Smart Communications / PA-DOC // Stephen Wilson LB8480 // SCI-Fayette // PO Box 33028 // St Petersburg, FL 33733
Donate to our book and commissary fund and help us send books to people inside so that we can keep up some of Stevie’s political education work while he is in the hole. Comment “books”
Venmo: @SolidarityMachine
CashApp: $SolidarityMachine
Description: Stevie is standing in front of some glass block in a prison visiting room. He is wearing a brown button down shirt and dark brown pants, tan boots, hands in his pockets and looking at the camera.
Stephen Wilson is a Black queer abolitionist writing, organizing, and building study groups and community behind the wall at SCI-Fayette in Pennsylvania. Ian Alexander is his friend and comrade on the outside. This interview is the first in a series that will be published together as a zine.
Ian Alexander: When and how did you become an abolitionist in your thinking, and how did you become an abolitionist in your practice?
Stephen Wilson: These questions reminded me of some anecdotal advice Mariame Kaba gave organizers first encountering a community or group. She talked about how important it is to be a noticer, to observe what is already there. Often, we enter communities revved up to teach and show and convey. But if we took the time to observe and learn, we would see that there are ideas and practices already in place that are abolitionist, even if the people don’t call them that.
Before I ever read any abolitionist theory, I already had some abolitionist ideas. Before I called my praxis abolitionist, parts of it already was. I have often spoken about how the ballroom community prepared me for this work. It was within that community that ideas about non-disposability and centering the needs of the most vulnerable/impacted were first taught to me. It was within that community that I first learned about mutual aid. We didn’t call ourselves abolitionists, but we were practicing it.
My conscious embrace of abolitionist theory occurred soon after reading issues of The Abolitionist and having conversations with Jason Lydon at Black & Pink. Critical Resistance-New York City sent me lots of materials to read and answered tons of questions. Before this time, I was more of a disillusioned progressive. I knew we could create a better world but was frustrated by the tools and means at our disposal. No matter what we did, the system was changing. Not real change. It never occurred to me that we could do away with the entire system. That the system itself was the problem. Abolitionist theory created new possibilities. It opened new ways of seeing and being. It wasn’t a tough leap for me from progressive to abolitionist.
Practicing abolition is harder, especially behind the walls. Abolition is not supposed to be an individual exercise. It is about community, about connection. And that is what makes it hard in prison. We are conditioned and encouraged to separate, isolate and differentiate.
IA: Could you say a little bit about the difference between “progressive” politics and abolitionist politics?
When I say progressive /reformer, I am referring to a mindset that couldn’t see beyond or outside of the system. A mindset that lacked imagination and viewed the system as necessary to solve our problems. I couldn’t imagine the work, whether it was on educational, public health or social justice issues, being done outside of the system. So I found myself frustrated but constantly pushing for tweaks to make the system more responsive. I couldn’t see that the system was the problem.
Abolition broadened my imagination and helped me to see outside of the box/system. It also restored my faith in us. I believe we can keep each other safe. I believe we can provide for each other. I believe we are enough. I now know that the system was never broken. It was doing what it was meant to do: control, surveil, punish and kill us. No amount of tweaking will change that. Now, I see the need to abolish the system and create new relations. As long as one works within the strictures of the system, that world will be impossible.
IA: What were some of your hurdles, struggles and frustrations early on? How did you overcome those–and how have you still had to fight to overcome them?
SW: I knew that in order for me to deepen my practice I needed a community. So I began to reach out to others, extending myself. Abolitionists must extend themselves. I passed out literature and formed discussion groups. And none of this would have worked if I hadn’t been really striving to show abolition to others. In prison, we have a saying: “Believe nothing you hear and half of what you see.” So people are looking and they are keeping tabs. Are you really about what you say? Especially when adversity strikes? So practice was necessary. And being in here, in this environment, definitely forced me to deepen my practice.
One of the earliest big hurdles I had to overcome was materials. The prison isn’t going to provide us with radical, transformative materials. I had to find sources to provide us study materials at low or no cost. Reaching out to presses and zine distros enabled me to procure materials. Without materials, there is no study group. This hurdle is often the biggest one for prisoners who want to start a group.
Connected to this issue is the matter of accessibility. So much of what is written isn’t accessible to most prisoners. Sometimes, it is a matter of forum. There are very informative essays, articles, panel discussions and excerpts online. Prisoners cannot access these materials. This barrier keeps us uninformed and out of discussions. Another accessibility issue concerns writing style. Often, there is no way into the text for prisoners. I am reminded of Ruthie Gilmore’s statement about thinking theoretically but writing/speaking practically. She talks about writing like you want to be read. So many people are writing like they don’t want to be understood by the masses. If people need a dictionary or encyclopedia to read your work, they most likely won’t.
To overcome the obtuseness of texts, I found myself “translating” materials for our study groups. The message contained in the texts was beneficial, but I had to explain what the message is to others. Without understanding there is no application. It was frustrating but it made me better. I learned how to create good discussion questions. I learned how to connect the readings to real life situations and encourage application. It made me and the group participants more critical thinkers.
IA: How do you start a study group in a prison?
As I said before, without materials there is no study group. So it is important that we find sources for materials. That is step one. Sometimes, you already know what you are looking for. You may want to study Black liberation struggles. So you contact a zine distro or press and request materials relevant to the topic. Other items, you don’t have a particular topic so you can request a catalogue from a distros that covers many topics. I would suggest ordering a catalogue.
It is important to talk to participants or potential participants about what they are interested in studying. Even if one feels some other topic is more important, it is important to start where the people are. So even though I feel patriarchy is a topic everyone inside needs to study and tackle, I didn’t start there. I had to get people interested in and acclimated to study. That meant meeting them where they are. Prison issues and racism are easy entry points to studying. From these topics, one can springboard to other issues.
Starting a study group means spending some money. Even if you get the zines for free, you have to pay for copies. In PA, we aren’t allowed to receive multiple copies of any publication in the mail. So people cannot send a prisoner two copies of any book, journal or zine at one time. This means I usually received one copy of a text. I had to make lots of copies for the groups. That costs. Then, there are supplies. Martin Sostre opened a bookstore in Buffalo. He wanted it to be a learning site for people, especially the youth. And it was. He made it easy for them to learn. He provided a space. He provided the materials. All at no cost. So they kept coming back. I had to do the same thing. I had to cover all costs for the groups. That means composition books, pens, pencils, folders and paper costs had to be covered. And as the groups grew, so did the costs. But the upside is that the groups grew. We made studying easier for the people so that is what they did.
IA: What is the role of outside support in all this?
SW: Outside support is critical to maintaining study groups. We need material support as well as guidance regarding how to handle group dynamics issues. We were/are fortunate to have a strong support circle that provides both for us. Without them, we couldn’t do this work.
IA: What are your goals going into a new study group? How do you inspire interest in new and potential comrades?
SW: Choosing study materials is a combination of assessing where the people are and the particular needs of the environment. Choosing materials for a group of people who are already readers and who like to hold discussions is very different from choosing materials for people who haven’t been exposed to such activities. Likewise, there may be particular issues at a site that make studying certain topics more important and relevant. Here , at SCI-Fayette, which is built on a toxic site, materials on environmental racism and environmental justice resonate with prisoners. This topic may be the gateway for many prisoners to studying other issues. The point is that the choice of study materials is always connected to where the people are and what is happening there.
IA: What role have teaching and mentorship played in this process for you?
SW: In the beginning, I did assume a leadership role. But it wasn’t leadership in the sense of making decisions for everyone or having authority over others. It was leadership that was grounded in responsibility. I felt responsible for the groups. I had a commitment to nurture and grow them. I knew I needed help and readily reached out for it. Also, I tried to get people involved and taking responsibility for tasks. I wanted them to own the groups. Then they would care about them.
It is important to cultivate leadership inside. At any moment, any of us can be transferred. So it is important to plant seeds and tend to them while you can. This is one area we need to do lots of work on inside. We have to work harder to create a network of people inside who can create and sustain study groups.
IA: What makes a good abolitionist teacher?
SW: Being a noticer is important. We have to notice who is doing what and how. At Smithfield, I had spent years cultivating relationships and a reputation for sincere concern for others. This made it easier for me when I began groups. People already knew and trusted me. When I came to Fayette, I didn’t have that history. There were people here who knew me from Smithfield and there vouching for me helped tremendously. But I spent time noticing who was doing what. I noticed who was in the dayroom reading. I listened to conversations. And people watched me too. A few guys came up to me and told me they overheard my conversations on the phone. I had been talking with other abolitionists. What they heard piqued their interests. They also saw what I was doing. Mutual aid is major inside. Nothing speaks like action. They saw me practicing abolition. They saw me practicing mutual aid. They saw me practicing solidarity. These acts opened the people’s hearts to me. I can honestly say that I have received just as much respect and love from prisoners here that I did at Smithfield. I know that this mutual love and respect is built on knowing and being present for each other.
IA: How do you start to build relationships with new people on your block?
SW: There is nothing like face to face organizing. To be there, in the trenches, with others, struggling and organizing together builds bonds of trust and care. There are people behind these walls whom I have organized with that I will always feel a deep connection to. We are in the belly of the beast. And when others stand with you inside of this place, it creates something special between you.
To organize inside, you have to be a people person. You cannot be shy. You have to notice things. There have been times when I hear young prisoners talking about something and I listen for a while. Then, I ask questions. Asking questions is a great way to enter a conversation. Interjecting with a statement is risky. Making declarations, especially when they contrast the participants stance, can lead to arguments and accusations of not minding one’s own business. But when you ask questions, especially those requesting more info or clarification, it allows the young prisoner to be heard and express his/her views. This doesn’t happen too often for them inside. It seems everyone wants to tell them what to do and think, but who is listening to them? I do. And because I do, they listen to me.
Also, being open to feedback and criticism is important. Be human. Don’t try to come off as a know it all or like you have all your shit together. When I found out that Maroon was here in the infirmary, I was looking for a way to connect to him. I knew the barbers go to the infirmary to cut hair. When I went to the barbershop, I struck up a conversation with a baber and asked him if he knew Maroon. He didn’t, but he knew whom I was talking about. He had seen him. I gave the barber some materials, including Maroons’s The Dragon vs. The Hydra essay. I told him to send my love to Maroon the next time he went to the infirmary to cut hair. I also told him how I wished I could spend time talking to Maroon about his work. That was enough to spark the barber’s interest.
The next time I went to the barbershop, the barber excitedly told me how he had spoken to Maroon a number of times since our last appointment. He told me how they discussed the essay too. I was so jealous! But what stuck with him the most, and this is according to his own words, was how Maroon remained humble. He was amazed that this elder who had spent so much time in the trenches still felt he has so much to learn and still needs to grow. The barber told me he expected this elder to act like he had it all together, all figured out. But he didn’t. The barber told me how Maroon inspired him to always study, keep learning and keep growing.
The point is that we, organizers and activists, our behaviors and attitudes, are determining factors in how far and wide abolition can go. This is why the internal work of abolition is so important. That’s why the presence aspect of abolition is key to expanding the awareness and the possibilities of abolition. As I said before, prisoners believe nothing they hear and half of what they see. We have to make that half count. To riff off a Lisa Nichols quotation I read years ago: Abolition is not just what you feel or what you say. It is what you do. So what are you doing?
IA: How has COVID-19 impacted your work?
SW: COVID19 affected our ability to meet face to face as much as we would like to. But it didn’t stop us from studying. We issue composition notebooks to everyone. We provide copies of the reading materials and discussion questions. Participants can submit their answer by writing in their comp books and turning them in for feedback. We are able to comment on each other’s answers and leave our own comments.
It became much more like the inside/outside study groups we have in which we read and discuss materials with outside allies. The point is that study never stopped. Moreover, I found that there was an uptick in interest. With the prison’s normal operations shuttered, people are looking for other things to do. The normal distractions, TV and tablets, become boring quickly. I have been disseminating lots more materials since the viral outbreak.
IA: How do you inspire long term interest and growth in new, old, and potential comrades?
SW: Really it has never been about them trusting me because they haven’t heard of abolition. It is about getting them to trust themselves and their communities to handle harm without calling the cops. Part of our task is convincing people that we have within us the resources to handle harm. We can make us safe. For so long, people have been told only the cops can make us safe. Only prisons can keep us from being harmed. People are starting to see that cops don’t produce safety. All of the police violence captured on camera is making people question the supposed link between cops and safety. We need to do more to get people to see that prisons don’t produce safety either. Because the quotidian violence of prisons is mostly hidden from the public this task becomes harder than showing that cops don’t make us safer. One of the biggest obstacles in abolitionist organizing behind the walls is convincing people that we can keep each other safe.
IA: You have told me a lot about the importance of history, and seeing yourself as part of a tradition. Could you talk a bit about that?
SW: If we don’t know the movement history, if we don’t know the elders and what they have accomplished, we will find ourselves stuck in old problems, spinning our wheels, and attempting to enact failed solutions. I love studying movement history and elder bios. I find inspiration. I find strategies and tactics I can adopt or adapt. I find confirmation. And that’s important too. Sometimes, we wonder if what we are doing is worth it. Reading movement history and elder biographies convinces me that it is. There have been times when I have faced repression from prison officials and began to feel depressed. During those times, I reflect upon what so many others have endured and my spirit is comforted and emboldened. Reading about people like Martin Sostre, who was wrongly arrested and sentenced to nine years because he educated the people, keeps my head up during these periods of repression. Many of our elders have been physically, mentally and emotionally abused, but they remained strong. History becomes a living tool.
Oppression breeds resistance. And often, resistance breeds more oppression. It is a dialectical relationship. Behind these walls, oppression can take many forms: solitary confinement, physical assault, constant shakedowns, constant transfers (diesel therapy), destruction of property, denial of parole and even frame-up on new charges. The administration will employ many different measures to effect compliance. They don’t want us to learn anything that will keep us from coming back to prison. They don’t want us to learn anything that will enable us to benefit our communities. I have said before: a learned prisoner is an affront to the PIC.
IA: So beyond study, what about struggle? How do you decide when to really jump into action, and when to wait something out?
SW: How do I decide when something is worth it? Is it the right thing to do? That is the question. I don’t tend to think about what the administration will do to me personally. Because the tactics I use aren’t those that will give the administration grounds to oppress us, tactics that knowingly subject others to possible harm by officers, my main issue is doing what is right and alleviating oppressive conditions. Recently, I have been thinking about developing a criteria regarding when we implement action plans.
This new way of thinking occurred to me after a recent incident. We are not under normal operations. So our time out of cell has been curtailed. We are being let out 35-40 people at a time. We are given limited time to shower, make phone calls, use the kiosks and exercise. Certain officers purposely allow us out late and put us in early. This creates problems for us and between us as we try to stay in contact with family and friends and stay clean. I attempted to address this issue with the unit manager. I thought we had come to a solution. But an officer did exactly what we discussed shouldn’t happen in front of the unit manager. And the unit manager refused to do anything. Instead, he wrote a false misconduct against me to get me removed from the block. And it didn’t end there. The next day, my comrade was placed in solidarity for emailing people informing them of what happened to me. Their solution is simple: whoever is complaining, remove them. And it works to produce a chilling effect upon others.
I began to think about how we could approach this official tactic. What counter-tactic would work? One thing I learned, and Maroon wrote about this many years ago, is that we need to develop hydras and not dragons. There is only so much space in solitary. They cannot lock us all up. Moving together is always much more powerful than moving alone. The incident made me think about deep organizing and assessing just how much strength we have and how much actual support. The deeper the support, the more likely the success and defense against official repression.
Personally, I have a great support team. Their support enables me to keep going. This is why I stress connections across the walls. While I have faced repression here, they are beginning to understand that they cannot harm me without consequences. People care. People will agitate. The administration knows if we have support or not. That knowledge shapes their actions.
IA: So the struggle leads you back to study. How do you help others bring those two aspects of the work together?
SW: Generally, going into any study situation, my goal is to convey meaningful knowledge. I want people to learn things that will enable them to better understand the world and empower them to change it. Specifically, I do an assessment before determining what text we will study. I try to figure out what participants already know about certain topics. I try to understand the different ways participants learn. This can only happen if I build relationships with potential participants first. My point is that study circles need to be participant-focused. Often, facilitators focus on the syllabus and getting through the texts. The focus needs to be on those in the group and facilitating understanding and application. If we get through a text and the participants having extracted anything meaningful, something they can apply to their lives, I feel we haven’t succeeded.
Out there, you have to talk prisons up. Not so inside. Prison is our environment, our world. So everyone inside has an opinion about prisons and policing. I don’t have to create interest in these topics. It is already there. What I try to do is get people to see these issues differently. And many are willing to take another look. One good way to get started is by doing definitional work. Getting people to think about how they define certain terms is really about getting them to think about how they view the world. Two of our first definitions to explore are community and safety. How people define these terms is important. And often, we find that people change their definitions after study.
IA: How do you combat reactionary tendencies, patriarchal behavior, homophobia and transphobia, misogyny, anti-Blackness, ableism, and other forms of chauvinism and anti-solidarity thinking and behavior?
SW: Prison is a hyper masculine environment. Patriarchal thinking, sexism, homophobia, transphobia and ableism are rampant behind the walls. The only way to handle these oppressive behaviors is to confront them straight up when they manifest. I do so by questioning the person’s motive. We have sports teams inside. Often, teams are created through a draft process. The coaches often don’t know whom they are drafting until it’s over. During one volleyball season, a coach selected an openly queer prisoner. He didn’t know it until the first game. He didn’t start the prisoner until late in the first game. That is when he realized the queer prisoner was a great volleyball player. Players on his bench balked at playing with the queer prisoner and began to make homophobic comments. I walked over and asked them if they felt they were better players than him. They knew they weren’t. I asked them if they thought they would become gay if he played on the team with them. They vehemently denied this. So what is the problem? They were there to win a game. The best player on their team happened to be queer. So what. When confronted with their bigotry, most prisoners, being unable to defend it, pipe down. When enough of us do this, things will change. And they need to. Homophobia, transphobia, and ableism are prejudices that are still acceptable in our society.
IA: How have you navigated the guards?
SW: Most officers stay out of the way. They see us studying and leave us alone. They walk by and spy on us, but they don’t try to break us up. They allow us to pass out materials on the block. From the officer’s perspective, our studying is a good thing. We are quiet and less likely to get into trouble, especially the kind of trouble that would require more work from them. It is the upper administration that is antagonistic toward study groups. They see us building influence and they don’t like it. They are the ones who create obstacles to study, not the front line officers.
At Smithfield, we were able to do more because the administration actively recruited us to create positive outlets for prisoners. Fayette is very different. 180 degrees different. We do more work on our own. But I find that Fayette has created, through its oppressive acts, a hunger for knowledge among the prisoners. The organic desire is greater here.
IA: Why do you go through all of this, comrade?
SW: All I am doing is passing along the goodness that has been given to me to make the world better.
