No Evidence, No Convictions: Week 1 of the first Vaughn 17 trial

from Support the Vaughn 17

Breaking Update: Roman Shankaras is no longer part of this trial group. On Tuesday, October 30, the judge severed Shankaras’s case from the other 3 defendants. Shankaras will be rescheduled to a later date. The judge stated that this was because “the relationship between Shankaras and his counsel had deteriorated to a point where it was unfair to the rest of the defendants.”


This summary comes from Philly folks from the Vaughn 17 Support coalition who were present during the first week of the trial, as well as from a crew from D.C. that was able to make 2 ½ days of trial.

To run down the case: On February 1, 2017, inmates at James T. Vaughn Correctional in C Building took over the building to demand modest improvements to their living conditions, including better food and education resources. Since then, the state has pressed blanket charges against 18 prisoners for conspiracy to riot and riot, 2 counts of assault, 4 counts of kidnapping, and 16 of them also face murder charges. Correctional Officer Sergeant Floyd was killed that day, and his family has since received restitution from the state for $7.5 million. One of the 18 prisoners facing charges, Royal “Diamond” Downs, has since flipped to support the prosecution. The other 17 defendants have refused to snitch and are contesting the charges in solidarity with one another.

On Monday, October 22, the trial began with opening statements. The state attempts to described how three guards were attacked with a mop wringer and and held hostage in a supply closet. The state admitted they have no surveillance footage of the uprising, no DNA or forensic evidence, and that their case would rely largely on snitch testimony and radio recordings which were extremely difficult to understand when played in court.

The prosecution alleges Jarreau Ayers’ involvement based on a phone call made on January 31, 2017 in which he said “something big is going to happen”. The allegations go further to say he attacked a guard and “gave orders”. Of Deric Forney, the state alleges only in passing that he “assaulted officers.” The state alleges that Dwayne Staats was involved with hostage negotiations over the radio. Snitch testimony is also expected to claim Staats was seen with a ‘shank’ (a homemade knife). The state claims that Roman Shankaras is the alleged “mastermind” and “shot caller” of the uprising. The basis for this is a (contested) letter he wrote after the incident to Royal Downs; the state admits that Shankaras “didn’t assault anyone.”

Representing himself, Dwayne Staats emphasized in his opening statement that the government has no direct evidence of guilt, and cannot prove guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Contesting state witnesses’ claims, Staats said: “They begging the DA for freedom, but the only thing they’re willing to sacrifice is the freedom of others.” Staats noted that the case against him was based on “falsifications, confabulations, exaggerations.” He warned jurors about the “collage of misinformation that’s going to be presented to you” and that prosecutors are “going to bombard you with inconsistencies and contradictions.”

In his opening statement, defendant Jarreau Ayers, also representing himself, refuted the state’s incorrect claims about his whereabouts that day. He pointed out the lack of credibility of prisoners who would “lie to make a deal.” Ayers told the jury to think outside of “social conformity” that pressures people to “choose the side of the state. […] I’m’a expose that they can’t just pick & choose who the bad guys are.” Ayers also challenged the institution itself: “The state carries the illusion of prestige and I respectfully decline to acknowledge it.” He reminded the jury to see through this “level of prestige where I can just show you something because I’m the state…don’t allow the magnifying glass or the lights being so bright distract you from what is right.”

The two lawyers were not quite as much in solidarity with clients. They did not challenge the grounds of the charges. Instead they argued that their respective clients are not guilty because of reasonable doubt. Jason Antoine’s opening statement (representing Roman Shankaras), which went into exhaustive detail contesting the prosecution’s statements, demonstrated major overall gaps in the prosecution’s case. Shankaras’ defense pointed out he was either in the rec yard or in his cell during all the violence; he did not participate. The defense also pointed out the presence of a security camera that could have captured Shankaras’ presence in the rec yard while the prison takeover happened inside. The state claims no video exists because their cameras can only work in one location at once. According to his defense attorney, Roman Shankaras is being charged because “he will not snitch but he is a witness.”

Ben Gifford (representing Deric Forney) gave an in-depth refresher on reasonable doubt, directed to the jury in his opening statement. This solidified the notion that the state will not be able to provide enough evidence to decisively prove any of the defendants’ guilt, and challenged the prosecution’s attempted strategy of finding certain defendants, such as Forney, guilty by association.

State witnesses this week included:

  • Sergeant Weaver, state police forensic investigator who helped prepare reports for identifying suspects for Floyd’s death
  • Delaware State Police Corporal Roger Cresto, homicide unit crime scene investigator
  • Winslow Smith, the first hostage to be released during negotiations
  • Joshua Wilkinson, the other guard to be held hostage and released
  • Jordan Peters, a guard who was on “outside patrol” in a vehicle before responding to Building C after the uprising began
  • Lieutenant Sennett
  • The Forensic Nurse Examiner who examined CO Joshua Wilkinson
  • Robert Ferguson, the guard assigned to Building C where the uprising took place
  • Brett Smith, crisis negotiator with CERT
  • Patricia May, the counselor assigned to Building C who was taken hostage but not harmed by prisoners

None of the above witnesses could identify any prisoners involved, or if they tried to, it was contradicted by transcripts from their interviews with investigators right after the event.

State witnesses admitted they do not know:

  • What ‘shanks’ were used to kill Sgt. Floyd
  • Who used these shanks
  • Who made the shanks
  • When or where the shanks were made
  • Where the materials used to make the shanks came from

What has been consistent throughout all the testimony is just how bad conditions are at James T. Vaughn. While this shouldn’t be a surprise, we should be paying attention to these details.

1. Every staff member at the prison is also a CO, though not all are active in that role. Stationary Fireman Matthew McCall testified that overtime is abundant that way, and bragged that he participated in plenty of “shakedowns”, when COs forcibly go through an inmates belongings and take whatever they want as contraband.

2. McCall also testified to the physical state of C Building as “fallen in disrepair…a long time ago”, which was why they were there that morning, to add chemicals to the water boiler which had developed leaks. Photographs of the basement depicted a run down space with pools of water on the floor.

3. The inmate treatment was repeatedly described as “terrible” but at the same time normalized. For example, CO Owen Hammond testified that when the SFs first exited the basement on to the first floor, “we saw a busted mop ringer and blood on the floor but didn’t think much of it and continued on our way.” Then SF Justin Tuxford testified that at first he thought the person locked in the supply closet was an inmate because sometimes you had to “use proper force, if all you have is a supply closet.” (That person turned out to be Sergeant Floyd.) The prisoners had released a list of demands, which McCall testified as “weird,” including “education and stuff like that.” The nonchalance of prison staff statements are only matched by the crassness of what they mean.

4. Prisoners released 22 demands, and tried to get those out to the media and Governor Carney, but prison staff completely and effectively ignored them with militarized suppression. The demands included better treatment with dignity, better food, access to programs, education, contact with family and friends, a pay increase to at least $5 a month (they were not being paid anything for their work, effectively providing slave labor), fair and impartial disciplinary hearings, and a grievance process, as well as 13 others.

On Friday morning, we heard the first prisoner witness called by the state, Anthony Morrow. He had since been transferred to another facility, but not until after being held in the solitary housing unit (SHU) for a year and 5 days following the Vaughn uprising. The state opened for him by playing a recording of a phone call to his fiancé that he on when the uprising started. He described that Floyd is getting “stabbed up” and she asks, babe, whyyy? Morrow said, you don’t understand — “these cops be oppressive, spraying them, beatin them up, talkin about they parents.” The state repeatedly asked if Morrow saw anyone, and if he could identify any of the inmates involved, but he repeatedly denied it. Morrow had briefly seen Floyd getting mob rushed, but could not identify anyone involved in the assault. More specifically, Morrow called defendant Deric Forney his “brother” — they had done Bible study together and lived across from one another — and, noting that he “would recognize [Forney] anywhere,” testified that Forney had not been present at the scene of assault.

On Friday afternoon, state “star witness” Royal Downs began his testimony, which was vague and somewhat inconsistent. Downs’s story so far is that other prisoners kept coming to him to discuss, at first, a peaceful protest, and then a building takeover, and that he was opposed to it from the beginning. He identified Ayers and Shankaras as the prisoners who told him the night before that the building takeover was happening, and testified that Ayers, Shankaras, Staats, along with Pedro Chairez, Lawrence Michaels, and “a couple others, I don’t remember” were the ones who planned the uprising.

By the end of Friday afternoon, tensions appeared high between Jason Antoine (counsel for Roman Shankaras) and Judge Carpenter, as well as between Antoine and the other defense counsel and between Antoine and Shankaras himself. On Monday, court was canceled due to “legal issues,” and on Tuesday the judge announced that Shankaras’s trial was being rescheduled due to issues with his attorney.

So far, no evidence beyond cooperating witness testimony – no video, no DNA or forensics – directly ties any defendant to Floyd’s killing. All prisoner witnesses were all considered potential suspects at one time and the defense has already pointed out their motivations to offer dishonest testimony to cut a deal with the state.

It is also plausible that CO witnesses in the Vaughn Uprising case have been colluding to change their testimony to back each other up, since cross-examination showed this week that the state has not tried to prevent them from doing so. But the fact that the state has no hard evidence against these Vaughn 17 defendants does not mean that they will not be successful in manipulating the trial as though they have a case.

Court is ongoing every weekday from 10am-5pm in Courtroom 8B at 500 N King St, Wilmington, DE. More court support is welcome!

Support the Vaughn 17

Letter-writing for Black Liberation Movement California Cases

from Philly ABC

It’s almost time for another monthly letter-writing for political prisoners! Join us Monday November 5th, 6:30pm at LAVA.

Our November event will feature Black Liberation movement prisoners with California cases. We’ll be sending our love and solidarity to Ruchell “Cinque” Magee and Romaine “Chip” Fitzgerald.

Ruchell “Cinque” Magee is the longest held political prisoner in the U.S., having been locked up since 1963. Politicized in prison, he later participated in the Marin County Courthouse Rebellion, the attempted liberation of political prisoner George Jackson. Ruchell pled guilty to the charge of aggravated kidnapping for his part in the assault. In return for his plea, the Attorney General asked the Court to dismiss the charge of murder (Magee being the shooter of Judge Haley). Magee later attempted unsuccessfully to withdraw his plea, and was sentenced in 1975 to life in prison. He has lost numerous bids for parole. He has also worked tirelessly as a jailhouse lawyer, working on his own case and helping many other prisoners win their freedom.

Romaine “Chip” Fitzgerald, born and raised in Compton, California, joined the Southern California Chapter of the Black Panther Party in early 1969 as a teenager who had just been released from the California Youth Authority.  He is currently serving 2 life sentences for the frame up of the murder of a security guard and attempted murder of a CHP officer.

We’ll also be sending birthday cards to Joshua (Josh) Williams (Nov. 25th). A staple of the Ferguson rebellion, Josh Williams was sentenced to 8 years in prison for his actions in attempting to light fires near a Quick Trip gas station, which others quickly extinguished, during a protest against the killing of Black 18 year old Antonio Martin by police in Berkeley, Missouri on Christmas Eve 2014. Josh, who was 19 at the time of the incident, was charged with first-degree arson, and second-degree burglary for allegedly stealing under $500.  He should be eligible for early release (in 2022) after serving six and a half years of his sentence.  He was transferred in 2017 to Jefferson City Correctional Center.

As usual, snacks will be provided. We look forward to seeing you there!

COMMUTATION CAMPAIGN FOR THE ‘VIRGIN ISLAND 3’

from Facebook

The campaign to free the Virgin Island 3 is kicking into high gear. Malik, Hanif and Abdul have been locked up for 46 years and have just applied for commutation of their sentences by Governor Mapp.

Like many aging prisoners, they are experiencing increasing health problems and pose NO RISK to the society they’ve been locked away from for nearly half a century. Because Governor Mapp’s term is ending and he is up for re-election on November 20th, now is the time to contact him and the other decision makers to urge for commutation of their sentences.

Because the Governor will be concentrating on the election until late November, we are reserving fax, email and calls until then, but letters can be drafted and mailed at any time before then. Please take a few minutes to alter the template below into a personalized letter and mail to both the Governor and the Lt. Governor. You can use the same letter to do the fax and email portion of this campaign. This is it; all hands on deck!

HOW YOU CAN HELP:
1) Write a letter

Please start by writing a letter in support of the VI3’s application to both: Governor Mapp and Lt. Governor Potter. This is also a good time to urge folks you know who care about social justice to get on board with this campaign!

Suggested letter format:

Governor Kenneth Mapp
Government House
21-22 Kongens Gade
Charlotte Amalie
St. Thomas, VI 00802

Lt. Governor Osbert Potter
Office of the Lieutenant Governor
1131 King Street, Suite 101
Christiansted
St. Croix, VI 00820

Re: Warren Ballantine, Meral Smith, and Beaumont Gereau

Introduce yourself. This could include comments about your job, family or work in the community.

Explain how you know their cases and/or how you may know them personally.

Explain why you are concerned (if you are from the VI, explain how this affects your vote and if you are from elsewhere explain how commuting their sentences would positively influence society or your view of the VI).

Some Issues are:
1. Length of time in prison
2. Their deteriorating medical conditions
3. Aging and getting old
4. No community threat (example: while they were housed in the St. Croix, they were actually allowed to go out in the community to religious services and to speak to/mentor at-risk youth, sometimes unsupervised, with no issues)

Implore the Governor to commute their sentences. Explain that you understand that he eluded to this before he was elected and at the beginning of his term.

Respectfully end your letter.

2) Fax your letter [after November 20th] to:

The Governor’s office at: (340) 693-4374, and
The Lt. Governor’s office at: (340) 774-6953
If you do not have a fax machine, you can send a free online fax using faxzero.com.

3) Email your letter [after November 20th]:

https://www.vi.gov/contact.html

4) Call the three officials in charge of reviewing the commutation applications [as much and as often as possible after November 20th until further notice] to ask if they received your letter/fax/email:

Governor Mapp’s Office: (340) 774-0001
Lt. Governor Potter’s Office: (340) 774-2991
Attorney General Claude Walker: (340) 773-0295
Legal Counsel E. Henderson: (340) 712-2212
Leave messages letting them know you support the commutation applications for Warren Ballentine, Beaumont Gereau and Meral Smith.

A few talking points if desired, but feel free to keep it short and sweet:
• After 46 years of incarceration, they are of seriously ailing health and are extremely unlikely to re-offend… Warren alone is on 6 different types of medication after a massive heart attack a year ago.
• It is costing the state a TON of money to continue to house them and pay for medical care.

After November 20th, keep up the pressure until further notice! If he does not win re-election, his last day to grant commutations is on January 4th, 2019.

When you can, drop one or all of the Virgin Island 3 a note telling them about the actions you took on their behalf. You can also read about the campaign in Malik’s own words.

Warren Ballentine #16-047
Tallahatchie Correctional Facility
415 US Highway 49N
Tutwiler, MS 38963

Beaumont Gereau #16-001
Tallahatchie Correctional Facility
415 US Highway 49N
Tutwiler, MS 38963

Meral Smith #16-024
Tallahatchie Correctional Facility
415 US Highway 49N
Tutwiler, MS 38963

First Vaughn Prison Revolt Trial Begins

from Unicorn Riot

Wilmington, DE – On February 1, 2017, a prisoner uprising took place at the James T. Vaughn Correctional Center in Smyrna, Delaware. Over 100 inmates at the maximum security prison seized control of ‘Building C’ at the state Department of Corrections complex, taking several prison employees hostage in an uprising that would last almost 24 hours. Those involved in the uprising demanded better living conditions, access to education, transparency in use of prison funds, and an end to inconsistent enforcement of prison policies. Now, more than a year and a half after the historic uprising, four defendants – Jarreau Ayers, Derric Forney, Dwayne Staats, and Roman Shankaras – are the first to face trial after refusing plea deals offered by prosecutors.

After police retook Building C on February 2, 2017, 18 prisoners were eventually indicted on felony counts of riot, conspiracy, first degree kidnapping, first degree assault, and first degree murder. Since one of the 18 – Royal ‘Diamond’ Downs – has turned state’s evidence, supporters are referring to the Vaughn uprising defendants as the “Smyrna 17” (The James T. Vaughn Correctional Center is in Smyrna, Delaware.) Apart from Ayers, Forney, Staats, and Shankaras, four other groups of prisoners face trials in between November 2018 and February 2019.

All four defendants seemed confident and prepared in court, sitting upright and paying close attention during opening arguments on Monday. Ayers and Staats are both representing themselves pro se and appeared eager to finally confront the charges against them. The four defendants, all black men, were closely guarded in the courtroom at all times by at least 9 Delaware Department of Corrections officers, all of whom appeared to be white.

18 jurors  – 3 white men, 10 white women, 3 black men, & 2 black women – were seated around 10 AM in Judge William Carpenter’s courtroom on the 8th floor of the Leonard C Williams Justice Center. After the jurors were sworn in, opening arguments for the state of Delaware were made by Assistant Attorney General Nichole Warner. Warner called February 1, 2017, “a day unlike any other” and told jurors that “suddenly and violently, a group of inmates took the building over.”

In language echoing the failed federal rioting conspiracy case against protesters arrested at Trump’s inauguration, Assistant Attorney General Nichole Warner told jurors that prisoners who may have only intended to organize civil disobedience in their facility were still ultimately responsible for the death of Corrections Officer Steven Floyd:

“All people associated with the original crime can be held liable…even if there was no agreement [to commit murder].” – Assistant Delaware Attorney General Nichole Warner

Assistant Attorney General Warner’s opening argument primarily focused on building the basic narrative of events that will be referred to by witnesses throughout the trial. She described how on February 1, 2017, when corrections officers (COs) called for inmates to come inside from the recreation yard to take showers, several masked prisoners attacked the COs with a mop wringer, subduing them and taking them hostage, restraining them with their own handcuffs.

Sergeant Steven Floyd, who would later be killed, was known to be verbally abusive towards inmates, according to defense lawyer Jason Antoine, who said he was known for yelling at prisoners in their cells. During the takeover, Floyd was initially detained by prisoners in a mop closet, but was later moved to the Sergeant’s office, where investigators would later find his corpse.

Two other COs, Winslow Smith and Joshua Wilkinson, were also taken hostage and reportedly beaten and injured, but survived. Smith was released during hostage negotiations, while Wilkinson was kept behind and used as a go-between during the final attempted negotiations until police retook Building C. A prison counselor was also taken hostage during the standoff but was not physically harmed.

Once the prisoners had taken control of Building C, they began negotiating over the radio for the release of the hostages. The prosecution alleges that defendant Dwayne Staats threatened to kill hostages over the radio, telling police “if you breach, they will die immediately” – a claim expected to be contested by Staats as the trial proceeds. The state played an extended sample of Department of Corrections radio chatter from the negotiations, although the recording had a severe echo effect that made it difficult to understand what was said.

The state acknowledged that they had absolutely no surveillance video footage from the prison that day. Around 2 PM on the day of the uprising, the prisoners involved in the takeover agreed to let other inmates with health conditions leave the building, with more being released later at midnight. Around 5 AM, militarized police with Delaware’s Corrections Emergency Response Team (CERT) had breached building C, extracted the remaining hostages, and began subjugating the prisoners still inside the facility.

Images shown by the prosecution during opening arguments included pictures of burnt lockers, allegedly demonstrating how prisoners were burning bloody clothes to prevent them from being used as criminal evidence, and pictures of the mop wringer that was reportedly used to assault guards during the takeover.

Assistant Attorney General Warner went on to make more specific allegations against each of the defendants. Jarreau Ayers, she said, made a phone call from inside Vaughn on January 31, the day before the uprising, in which he allegedly said “something big” was going to happen soon and asked for money to be put on his commissary. The state also claimed that one of their cooperating witnesses would testify that Ayers attacked a CO and that he was seen “giving orders” during the riot. Warner mentioned defendant Derric Forney only briefly, claiming offhand that he “assaulted officers.”

Roman Shankaras was called a “mastermind” and “shot caller” although Warner also added that “he didn’t assault anyone himself.” The case against Shankaras seems to orbit around a kite (prison letter) that he wrote to another inmate, which his lawyer claims was written under duress. Dwayne Staats was also alleged to have been seen by cooperating inmate witnesses with a shank and a radio during the uprising as well as assaulting a CO and “giving orders” to other prisoners. The prosecution plans to use letters written by Staats to claim that he took responsibility for the riot and the death of Sergeant Floyd.

After Assistant Attorney General Warner finished outlining the state’s case against the defendants, each of the defendants made their opening arguments. Jason Antoine, defense counsel for Roman Shankaras, told jurors “if you had to boil this case down to one thing… this is about dignity” and argued that Shankaras and many other prisoners had simply planned to “stand out in the yard to protest prison conditions.” He also spoke about poor living conditions in Building C at Vaughn and told jurors that “this riot had been brewing” for a long time due to “mistreatment” and “inconsistent policies.” Antoine called the Vaughn Uprising “a shock to the state of Delaware and a shock to the prison system,” pointing out that it is the first time a corrections officer has been killed in a Delaware facility.

Defense counsel for Shankaras also pointed out the presence of a security camera that could have captured Shankaras’ presence in the recreation yard while the prison takeover happened inside. He says the state responded to his request for the footage by telling him that “the camera location system only works from one location at a time.”

He also named three specific “bad apple guards” – Abigail West, and Estrada Green and Lance Green – as particularly responsible for exacerbating tensions amongst prisoners inside Building C. Antoine also pointed out that Shankaras was either out of the yard or in his cell during most of the events in question, including with Sergeant Floyd was killed. He told jurors that his client was an “outlier” to the day’s events, didn’t give orders to anyone or talk on the radio, and was being charged as retaliation for not testifying against others.

Antoine spent most of his opening statement poking various holes in the testimony expected to be heard over the next few weeks from cooperating inmate witnesses. He further alleged that cooperating witnesses had been housed together by the state at Howard Young Correctional Facility so that they could rehearse their stories together. One state’s witness he brought to the jury’s attention was a convicted pedophile; another had admitted to being a compulsive liar. At one point he called the case “garbage evidence in, garbage evidence out” and went on to mention that one prosecution witness falsely claimed that Sergeant Floyd was beheaded. Another of the state’s cooperating witnesses reportedly stole Floyd’s watch off of his wrist.

Antoine seemed to relish getting to what he told jurors was the “good part” of his opening statement, telling them “Hollywood ain’t ready for this.” He was referring to Royal Diamond Downs, the state’s “star witness” who was himself a participant in the Vaughn Uprising before flipping to testify for the prosecution in exchange for dodging the murder changes. According to Antoine, Downs is “one of the most influential people in the Delaware prison system” and sat at the top of the prison hierarchy where he could order hits by different prison gangs such as Black Guerrilla Family and Dead Man’s Inc (DMI). He further alleged that Downs essentially “ran” Vaughn Correctional Center and that he was possibly the one who ordered Sergeant Floyd to be killed during the prison uprising. Radio from the February 1, 2017 standoff, as well as a recorded February 15, 2017 phone call Downs made to his girlfriend in which he seemed to take responsibility for Sergeant Floyd’s death and express remorse.

Next to give opening statements was Dwayne Staats, representing himself. Staats said that he was “agitated” by “false allegations” against him and insisted that the state was using other prisoners’ false testimony in order to try to wrongly convict him.

Staats asked jurors to be critical of the “collage of misinformation that’s going to be presented to you” and told them prosecutors were “going to bombard you with inconsistencies and contradictions.” Staats says that prosecution witness statements say that he was in places that he wasn’t on the day of the uprising and told the jury “I didn’t wear a mask” and “I don’t have a clone that was running around.” He ended by asking jurors to remember that they had to find him not guilty if the charges against him weren’t proven beyond a reasonable doubt: “the scale is tilted my way … at this moment I’m presumed innocent.”

Next to give opening statements, and also representing himself at trial, was defendant Jarreau Ayers. Ayers criticized the state for relying on testimony from Vaughn prisoners who were willing to “lie to get a deal” and said prosecutors were trying “pick and choose evidence that fits their theory.” He told jurors “you got the right to be skeptical” about the motives of witnesses in the case – a comment to which prosecutors objected, but Judge Carpenter overruled the objection. Ayers stressed that no DNA or forensic evidence has been brought against him, and that the state’s case has to rely on witnesses.

Ayers made further comments to the jury asking them to not take the trial proceedings at face value and to resist “social conformity” that might pressure them to “choose the side of the state.”

He also spoke to what he saw as the wider significance of the trial:

“I believe that this case has the opportunity to set the tone for how people look at “beyond a reasonable doubt” in our legal system.” – Jarreau Ayers

Ayers went on to tell jurors how he had reviewed thousands of pages of legal documents to prepare for his trial and that “the only thing consistent about this case is going to be the inconsistencies and contradictions.”

Ayers showed the jury pictures of a broken mop handle, gloves, and a shank that had been used by the prosecution during their opening. “The reality of it is none of these pieces of evidence have our DNA on it or the CO’s DNA on it,” he said, asking jurors not to accept “the level of prestige where I can just show you something because I’m the state…don’t allow the magnifying glass or the lights being so bright distract you from what is right.”

Last to make an opening argument was Ben Gifford, defense counsel for Vaughn uprising defendant Derric Forney. Gifford mostly stressed that his client was presumed innocent until proven guilty, and that very little evidence at all had been presented against Forney. Forney’s lawyer also reminded jurors that each of the four defendants were entitled to be tried individually and that they shouldn’t let the state try to paint them as guilty by association with each other.

After opening arguments ended and the court took a lunch recess, trial resumed with the jurors hearing from the state’s two first witnesses, two investigators, tasked with analyzing evidence from Building C after police had put down the uprising. They shared an extensive list of details about evidence recovered after the fact. Testimony by Delaware State Police Corporal Roger Cresto, who took photographs of Building C on February 2, 2017 after the police raid, had not finished by the time Judge Carpenter decided to end court for the day. His testimony is scheduled to resume in front of the jury at 10 AM on Tuesday, October 23.

Follow Unicorn Riot on Twitter for the most up-to-date information from inside the trial (we can’t tweet from court but post what we can on breaks!)

Title image credit: trconrad2001 / Flickr / Wikimedia Commons


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Solidarity graffiti for the Vaughn 17

Submission

Spotted some paint in South Philly and Center City for the Vaughn 17.
Here is to those taking risks, inside the prison walls, and out!


Proud Boy-Affiliated III%er Group to Rally in Philly

from Ida Vox

When:
November 17, 2018 @ 11:00 am – 12:00 pm
Where:
Washington Square Park
210 W Washington Square
Philadelphia, PA 19106
USA
Contact:

Proud Boy-Affiliated III%er Group to Rally in Philly @ Washington Square Park | Philadelphia | Pennsylvania | United States

In today’s political climate one cannot predict much, but we are still going to say not to expect the neo-fascist Proud Boys running around trying to play their games over the next year or so as much as they are now. After the fight at the Republican Club recently, they became the crew that everyone wants a piece of, and everyone will have their piece, you can bank on that. Even the right-wing New York Post – which is owned by News Corp, which also owns Fox News, who once employed Proud Boy founder Gavin McInnes – called them out as a “far-right hate group” in an article about right wing activists harassing Nancy Pelosi during a visit to Florida because someone in the crowd of activists beating on the windows repped the group.

Well, Philly is going to get their shot at them. A Facebook event page is up for something called the “We the People Rally” which is being organized by two groups, Patriot Events and Sports Beer and Politics, whose own Facebook page has two Proud Boys as administrators. As of now, the page is particularly benign with a disclamer saying the following:

We at Patriot Events and Sports Beer and Politics do not condone the use of violence by any party at this event. This event is to allow the people to make their voices heard. Any violence, racism, or display of hate by any group or individual is extremely prohibited. Any group or party violating these conditions will be removed from this event immediately.

The hosts, planners, security, speakers or their affiliates, members or family will not be held liable for bodily injury or personal damages to anyone in attendance. All civil claims, attorneys costs for the aforementioned will be paid by the claimant.

There is a reason for that. Just before the Proud Boys made asses of themselves in NYC, they were boasting on this page that they were going to come to this event with the purpose of fighting people:

After NYC, these postings were scrubbed from the event page, but too late. Somebody already saw them. This is what people will be mobilizing against, despite the usual tapdancing from the organizers that they don’t condone violence and be vigilant against it. Folks are used to that tapdancing and are not buying into it. The Proud Boys also are good for the “I’m not racist” routine and their supporters point to their members of color. Well, they repped at both Unite the Right rallies in Charlottesville last year and Washington, DC this year, the DC outing featuring a Hispanic Proud Boy. So folks stopped giving them quarter, and are going to do something about them before they really cause innocents to be hurt.

A comrade got picked up today by the cops and needs our support NOW.

from Facebook

A comrade got picked up today by the cops and needs our support NOW. If you can, please donate to their bail fund on venmo @ liberationproject

Call for Actions: Defend the Vaughn 17

from It’s Going Down

A call for solidarity with the Vaughn 17, currently on trial and to mobilize for a rally on the outside of the New Castle County Courthouse. Both called for on Monday, October, 22nd.

Call for Solidarity With the Vaughn 17 on October 22nd

On February 1st of 2017 inmates at the James T. Vaughn Correctional Center in rural Delaware took over their unit in C-building; they held staff, released demands to the media, and made it clear that their motivation was not just a result of confinement but also the election of Trump. At the end of their 18+ hour occupation, one guard, Steven Floyd (known by all to be exceptionally abusive) was dead.

On October 17th of the same year, the Delaware Department of Justice charged 16 prisoners with Floyd’s murder and two others with riot, kidnapping, and conspiracy. Except for one snitch, all the defendants have plead not guilty and their jury trials will begin on October 22nd, 2018.

On this date, as the state opens its trial against these comrades, we are calling for solidarity actions and to show the Vaughn 17 that they are not alone or forgotten about, and to show the state that the message of the Vaughn 17 resonates loudly throughout plantation society and across its borders.

Join us for a Rally at the New Castle County Courthouse from 8 – 9 AM on October 22nd

In many ways the demands of the Vaughn 17 anticipated the 2018 National Prison Strike, calling for increased wages for their mandatory labor, and the introduction of rehabilitation and education programs. These comrades positioned their struggle inside against the threat posed by Trump’s election, which has now been realized in the increasing detention of immigrants and the rise of fascism on the outside. Since the occupation’s end, they have been subjected to extreme repression and violence, including beatings and the denial of basic necessities, including having their water shut off. Yet in the face of these hardships and the betrayal, 17 of the defendants are standing together, unwavering in their solidarity.

Solidarity is the most effective weapon we have against the State. When we come together we can keep each other, and the movement, alive and propel the fight to the next stage. If we all push together, their walls will topple!

Against the carceral state and the American plantation! 

Freedom and victory to the Vaughn 17!

#Pushback Stand Against the “Proud Boys” on November 17th 2018

from Facebook

Far-right groups with ties to Neo-Nazis known as the “Proud Boys” and the “Three Percenters” are planning to attend a rally in Philadelphia on November 17th called “We the People”. They provoke and attack people on the streets who they deem to be unworthy of their far-right, fascist vision of the country. The Proud Boys were present in Charlottesville, terrorize residents in the cities of Portland, New York, and Providence, and have been listed as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

The residents and allies of Philadelphia must stand in opposition to this escalation of the far-right’s push into the city’s culture and politics.

We are urging people recognize the seriousness and danger of this situation, and come out to oppose them on November 17th at Washington Square in Center City Philadelphia. There is safety in numbers, so to ensure the protection of vulnerable individuals and communities, it is imperative that as many people as possible show up in opposition.

What to bring: Noise makers, signs, water, warm clothing and comfortable shoes, your friends and neighbors.

Report-back on the Ordination

from Friendly Fire Collective

This past weekend our Friendly Fire community celebrated our comrade and friend Matti, as well as their gifts and ministry.

As one of the initial members of the collective, Matti was one of the main organizers of the May Day retreat. They cooked, cleaned, led workshops and prayer meetings, provided pastoral and spiritual care, and went about it all with bliss. When things kept falling apart during our retreat, Matti fearlessly transformed every moment of chaos into grace. Their profound faith has grounded our community in an outrageous sense of love and magic.

Though situated across the so-called US, they have continually offered their anointing and spiritual gifts to the Philly base and the wider Friendly Fire community through tarot readings, intercession, prophecy, and more practical, material support, such as writing for our newsletter.

This weekend, our community surrounded Matti to recognize the Spirit’s ordination of Matti as a seer, prophet, and minister of insurrection. We shared silence and out of that stillness we prayed and prophesied for over an hour, speaking blessings over our community and Matti.

Some friends of our community traveled from out of state in order to celebrate, so as soon as the ordination was done we feasted and celebrated.

Thanks to all our friends who showed up, especially those who traveled quite a distance! Your presence was felt and appreciated.

Thanks, also, to the friends who were willing to endure the marathon of TLC’s finest reality TV show 90 Day Fiancé. We did that, and we did it together.

Help Our Memaw!

from GoFundMe

HELP OUR MEMAW!!

Margot is a dear comrade and community organizer residing in West Philly, after moving here from Louisiana a couple months ago.
This summer the PPD beat her up a couple times while she was lending her talent and efforts to the #EndPARS movement.
As a result of this, she was fired from her job.
Luckily, she’s been hired again, but now we need help!!

Margot’s car needs ~$700 worth of repair.
She needs this car to go back and forth from her new job, which is her sole source of income right now.
Everything from this fundraiser will go directly to Margot and help her survive and thrive during her first winter in Philly.

[Donate Here]

October’s issue of Friendly Fire

from Friendly Fire

friendly fire.png

Our October issue is out. We’re on time-ish.

O C T O B E R   F R I E N D L Y   F I R E 

SEVERAL INCORRECT THINGS IN THE NEWSLETTER, INCLUDING:
-we’ll continue to meeting at 7 PM (not 7 AM) on Tuesdays
-wrong link for the ordination’s event page! here ya go

Keystone United Exposed: Closing Thoughts

from Philly Antifa

We hope that the info we’ve collected is helpful to comrades around Pennsylvania and elsewhere. We will be copying all the Keystone United Exposed articles to a stand-alone blog so, as time passes and new content is published here, that info remains easy to find.

Keystone United Exposed effectively identified the major players within KSS, as well as many of its foot soldiers and supporters. It provided a start in mapping out the distribution of KU/KSS around the state and region, so we can know where they are really strong and when they are swelling numbers with out-of-town support.

From l to r: Unknown, Joe Phy, Scott Costa, Jason Cunningham, Ian McCorts, Unknown, Bob Gaus, Bryan Vanagaitis, AJ Olsen and Nunzio Pellegrino of Keystone State Skinheads. All except unknowns were profiled as part of KU Exposed.
Keystone United members. From l to r: Steve Smith, Unknown, Bob Gaus, Joe Garvey, Bryan Vanagaitis, Cody Haulman, Ryan Wojtowicz, Scott Costa, Ian McCorts, Travis Cornell (rip lol), Chris Croumbley, Josh Martin and Shane Dilling. All but the one unknown were exposed during our series.

Having identified this many members and associates of KU/KSS will also lead to us identifying future associates more easily. We exposed many bones at their jobs and to people who live in their communities. However, one drawback of a project like this is such a flood of information can make it inevitable that people will begin to slip through the cracks. It’s possible that by focusing on a smaller number and really campaigning around, for example, getting Steve Smith fired from Gertrude Hawk’s Chocolates warehouse in Dunmore, we could have had a larger impact. The good news is there’s no reason why we can’t still do that.

While preparing these articles, we learned several things that had to be considered and reconciled with our subjects’ associations with a violent white supremacist gang; filled with men who glorify Hitler and Colonialism, who promise “Freedom Through Nationalism” but practice racial terror. Including the frequency that Keystone United members and associates had successfully either totally hidden or sanitized the group’s image for many people in their lives. This sort of “low-intensity,” year round outreach work (aka being fake friendly) is insidiously effective in minimizing the eventual impact once they are eventually exposed. “Oh no! Not Bob… He’s never said anything offensive to me! Well, a few jokes…” is what some will say. Nazis collect these “friends” as an insurance policy against future exposure.

KSS rallying along with their friends in the PA State Militia for anti-refugee “Overpasses Across America” protests From l to r: AJ Olsen, Joe Phy, Ryan Wojtowicz, Steve Smith, and Pat Rogers. All were profiled in KU exposed.
Keystone United members attending Trump rally in Harrisburg. Jimmy Thorson is turning back towards camera. Melissa and Bob Gaus are in center. All 3 were profiled in KU exposed.

Keystone United has largely maintained their course during the Trump era. Unlike Heimbach and the TWP or the NSM, KU/KSS did not overreach early or open up the gates to any potential murderer they could slap a white polo on. Keystone United abandoned publicly using language about “Racial Holy War” (RaHoWa) or overthrowing the “Zionist Occupied Government” of the U.S. long before Trump. What has changed, though, is that now KU/KSS has a new PR tactic at their disposal, the label of “Trump Supporter.” KU/KSS uses that aforementioned outreach work to reinforce the notions being pushed by right wing media that a) anti-fascists are indiscriminately describing as nazis and attacking all trump supporters or anyone who disagrees with far left politics and b) all actions against trump supporters are being done by Antifa crews or organizations. Both of these claims are patently false. But now, with many major media outlets pushing similar narratives, they have a more receptive audience.

We know that we convey to everyone as to the level of threat KU/KSS represents. This is disheartening, both as Anti-Fascists and as people who, largely, have experienced direct violence from this group or groups allied to them. And ultimately, the conclusion is that white conservatives generally, (and some POC conservatives) don’t really dislike Nazis very much at all. It would seem, that for many of them, the biggest concern is being lumped in with them, and a frustration with nazis not being able to keep their racist rhetoric in the coded language that is popular among “white america.” That said, we hope that this series has made it clear that KSS has not gone away, and their influence and support network extends far beyond their membership.

Keystone United rallying in Harrisburg. A: Scot Costa B: Travis Cornell (rip lol) C: Shane Dilling D: Ian McCorts G: Ryan Wojtowicz H: Steve Smith I: Bob Gaus J: Bryan Vanagaitis K: Chris Croumbley L: Cody Haulman. All were profiled in KU exposed.

When members of the Golden State Skinheads (a crew allied with KSS), wearing TWP shirts, attacked and stabbed anti-fascists in Sacramento in 2016 before being driven off the streets, TWP spokesman Matt Parott attempted to frame it to the media as a fight between “pro and anti-trump groups.” Because of the spiteful mentality of Trump supporters in the face of ever-increasing evidence of his incompetence, narcissism, and corruption, they will defend anyone willing to still publicly identify as a pro Trump. Anti-Fascists need to be aware of this dynamic and begin formulating new strategies to wedge groups like KSS and Blood and Honour from the GOP base. The evidence of what happens if we fail is in the increasingly Fascist rhetoric and tactics being used by pro-trump sectors of government and law enforcement, not to mention all the recent dog whistles to nazism coming out of those sectors.

Pat Rogers of KU/KSS repping support for Golden State Skinheads after word of possible charges for their members stabbing several Anti-Fascists in Sacramento in 2016.

Exposing a nazi is crucial. It can largely neutralize their crossover political organizing, add a tremendous social cost, and makes them think twice about attacking someone, knowing that they will be identified immediately by Anti-Fascists. For KU/KSS, public exposure also undermines the generous amount of effort they put in to distancing their group from its more openly neo-nazi past. However, it is the follow-up that gets the goods. The people who contacted workplaces, passed out flyers around the homes of KSS members, pushed for their expulsion from social clubs and sports teams, and took other actions have done just as much as us to make this a success.

One area we did not touch on during this series as much as we’d like is KU/KSS’ involvement in the “Anti-Antifa movement.” Anti-Antifa Pennsylvania shirts are printed and sold by KSS members, and they are involved in running an Anti-Antifa blog and website that publishes information on Anti-Racists and Anti-Fascists. KU nazis are very encouraging of the Anti-Antifa label as a stand in for more openly nazi imagery and as a unifying point between white nationalists and other far right nationalists who conflict with antifa because of our left and anarchist politics. Pushing Anti-Antifa as a brand within the larger pro-trump right is likely to be a strategy for KU/KSS over the next few years, and the groundwork has already been laid by media outlets, Trump, and 4chan.

Several members of KU/KSS can be seen wearing Anti-Antifa t-shirts in this pic from LED 2017.

 

We have successfully identified almost all of the attendees of last year’s Leif Erikson Day event in Philly. Only those who hid their faces or stayed away from Fairmount Park have escaped detection so far. So while ultimately our goal is to stop KU from holding Leif Erikson Day at all, the information we gather from it’s continuation is a nice consolation prize. Thanks to last year’s LED, we were able to identify Joe Garvey, Chris Croumbley, Anthony Marcink, and Travis Cornell (rip lol), all previously unknown to us, as Keystone United associates. We were also able to confirm the continued involvement of several individuals who had not been sighted at public KU events for several years, including Shane Dilling and Liam Schaff.

Some of those KSS nazis wore masks because they have something to lose from being exposed by us. Help us identify the “unknowns.”  If anyone has information about the any of the unidentified nazis picture in this series, please send it our way.

It is common to end on a note acknowledging that white supremacy and racism are much larger than neo-nazi bonehead crews or their more media-friendly iterations.  While this is true, attempts to compartmentalize groups like Keystone United from the larger “mainstream” right seem rooted more in wishful thinking and denial than reality. KU has synthesized American libertarian conservatism with national socialist “race science” to make both more palatable to the other. Two Keystone United leaders are Luzerne County GOP officials. In the process of this article, we exposed KU members/associates as working for city governments, in large unions, and for international software firms. Keystone United associates are/were active in biker clubs, veterans groups, roller derby leagues, music scenes and local government. Tired tropes and finger pointing about “living in mom’s basement” on both sides of this conflict are generally inaccurate, Daniel “Jack Corbin” McMahon excepted. Anti-Fascists in this state should not discount how embedded Keystone United are in their communities.

Steve Smith and Ryan Wojtowicz of Keystone United. Both are Luzerne County GOP committeemen.

When Bob Gaus and several other KU members attended Trump’s rally in Harrisburg, they did not sit in some special section. When they (likely) went out to get a drink afterwards, they did not go to a nazis-only bar. When they talk politics at the bar with people belonging to “the mainstream right,” those people are most likely left with the impression that they have more in common than difference with the KU members. If we learn nothing else from Trump’s ascension, it should be that the distance between a “non racist” republican (or democrat/independent for that matter) and a neo-nazi is much smaller than we like to believe, and the unifying of those forces is a very real threat.

Nazis have embedded themselves in groups like The Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer or started multi-racial pan-right groups like Vinlanders Social Club founder Brien James’ American Guard.

Republicans have utilized dog whistle and crypto-fascist talking points to retain supporters among the racist right, while not alienating POC and non-racist conservatives. Anti-Fascists have relied too heavily on accusations of racism as a panacea solution to the far right, and the far right has adapted. They have dozens of strategies in place to undermine those accusations before they are even made. We have to take the more difficult path of dissecting the full contents of the ideologies of the far right and conveying why they should be opposed on a plethora of grounds, including cis hetero-sexist positions, militarism and colonialism, and supporting capitalist exploitation of the working class, in addition to white supremacy and racism. Otherwise we will continue to hand groups like Proud Boys, Patriot Prayer and American Guard an easy way to insulate themselves from association with orthodox fascist groups, and an easy way to portray us as hysterical or dishonest.

We would like to thank all those who took action this month based on the articles we’ve released. As we mentioned, actions have already begun and are likely to continue for some time. As this is being written, it is unclear when or if Keystone United will hold their Leif Erikson Day event in Philly. It is possible they’ve even held it already in secret. Should they do so, we have the tools to hold them accountable long after they scurry out of Fairmount, back to their homes in Philly or elsewhere in the state. It is a point of pride for us to put a stop to this demonstration, but not only have we effectively neutralized it as a source of recruitment or propaganda for KU, we have purposed it as an intelligence trove for ourselves. So stay home or come on out, boys. Either way, we’ll use it to our advantage and to further our ultimate goal of destroying Keystone United for good.

Finally, predictably, there has been some blow back from KU/KSS/BNH regarding this series. Threats and harassment has been sent from KU members and supporters in all directions, including to non-involved persons and former members. Sometimes for something as simple as sharing an article. We send our respect and solidarity to the folks facing any sort of harassment as a result of the series. Threats against ourselves have also been levied, both of legal action and assault. For our part, we refuse to be intimidated by a group of coward liars. Two-faced scumbags who have the nerve to call others “degenerates.” Who attack brutally in swarms and talk tough behind police but who cower in our city, coming unannounced and bitterly unwelcome, staying briefly and leaving quickly. Every flash demo and rally, every threat and assault, every rape and murder, creates more of us. It reinforces our resolve. This is the city of gritty, fuckers, and we’re just getting started.

Rebellion and Possibility: Voices in the Anti-ICE Struggle Vol. II

from It’s Going Down

 

The Radical Education Department (RED) returns with another collection of texts from the Abolish ICE movement.

As ICE’s brutality continues to shatter lives, we continue to document the struggle to abolish the institution.

We’ve compiled more stories of radical struggle against ICE, the border patrol, and the police; documenting the different tactics, successes, and philosophies from around the country.

We would like to thank the all of the contributors for each article that we’ve compiled, and the websites that originally published those writings and from which they were borrowed.

Again, this volume, like the first, is only one very limited snapshot of the vast anti-ICE uprising, which developed powerful expressions in many more than the few cities represented here.

Volume 2 can be found here: https://radicaleducationdepartment.com/zines/

Keystone United Exposed: BONUS DAY

from Philly Antifa

Oh, you didn’t think we were done, did you?

Here’s a list of more (but not all) Keystone United and Keystone State Skinheads members, supporters and associates from our intel files, in no particular order:

Keystone United supporter Blake Luca. Luca runs a neo-nazi podcast called “Revenge of the Cis.”
Brandon Minor is a Keystone United and Blood and Honour supporter living in Lebanon, IN.
Cody Haulman is a Keystone State Skinheads and Keystone United member living in Lancaster, PA. Haulman rallied with KSS in Harrisburg last year and has attended members-only functions.
“Damon Backwoods,” Keystone State Skinheads associate.
Andrew Boyle, former KSS member who is still friendly with them and now associates with Atlantic City Skinheads.
Gary Robinson, Blood and Honour member living in Virginia. Robinson owns Hardline Tattoo in Richmond.
Heather Brewer (r), Keystone United member and Keystone State Skinheads supporter. Pictured with her recently deceased partner, Travis Cornell, who died within a day or 2 of being charged for the bias attack in Avalon, PA alongside other KSS members and associates. Brewer remains a vocal KSS supporter and helped organize their Blue Eyed Devils show in central PA on Sept. 15th.
“Jesse R. Hesse,” Blood and Honour member living in Fircrest, WA.
Jordan Shull, Keystone United supporter.
Josh Patton, KSS supporter living in Coatesville, PA.
Rob Julason, longtime KSS associate living in Aston, PA. Julason was present with KSS in 2006 when they attempted to harass a Pride event in Philly.
Shizelle Kurtz, Keystone United supporter living in Atlantic City, NJ. Kurtz works as a waitress at Harrah’s Atlantic City.
Paul Augustson of he band Norsewind. Norsewind attended and played the after party for several Leif Erikson Day events, even after being made aware of KSS’ real politics. Augustson maintains friendly relations with KSS.
Keystone United supporter Chad Richardson.

 

Christian Nell, Keystone United supporter living in Harrisburg. Nell works for Faulkner Honda.

 

Keystone United supporter Christopher Beatty. Lives in Belcamp, MD
Scot Costa (l), Keystone State Skinheads member. Possibly living in Carlisle or Camp Hill, PA.
Dani Riccio, Keystone State Skinheads supporter.
Keystone United supporter Dave Althouse
Blood and Honour associate and Keystone United supporter Justin Gloseck. Gloseck is involved in running “New Nation Productions,” which puts on neo-nazi shows in Pennsylvania. Gloseck also runs “Peace Metal Productions,” which he uses as to do non-white power shows.
Vinlanders Social Club member and KSS supporter Don Hansard. Hansard was present at Leif Erikson Day in Philly in 2013.
Blood and Honour member Donald Palmer.
The band Final Verdict. The woman on the left’s name is Elizabeth and the man’s name is Liam Schaff. Schaff is a KSS member. The band opened for the Blue Eyed Devils at a Keystone United organized show in Central PA on Sept. 15th. Schaff also rallied with KSS at Leif Erikson Day in 2017.
Keystone United supporter Gabe Bracale. Lives in PA.

 

Grainne Feeley, member of Keystone United front group European American Action Coalition and KSS supporter.

 

“Jack Knipe,” Keystone United supporter living in York, PA.

 

Jason Augustus, Traditionalist Worker’s Party member and Keystone United supporter.
Keystone United supporter Jay Fuchs.
Keystone United supporter Jed Bothelho
Keystone United supporter Jesse Clime (l)
Keystone State Skinheads and Blood and Honour affiliate Jimmy Conway.
Keystone United supporter “Joey Idol”
Hammerskin and Keystone United supporter Johnny Tod Kopko (l)
Blood and Honour affiliate “Kass Anova”

 

Keystone United supporter Kevin Marburger.
Keystone United supporter Kimberly McGeary.
Keystone United supporter Kyle Thomas. Thomas also hangs with AC Skins. He lives in Philly.
Keystone United supporter Lisa Burns.
Keystone United affiliate and Keystone State Skinheads supporter Lorie Monahan.
Keystone United supporter Mark McGarry (r)
Keystone United supporter Michael Innokentii
Keystone United affiliate Michael Sokoloski.
Keystone United supporter Michelle Bell.
Blood and Honour member and Keystone United affiliate Moe Sandeqski. Sandeqski is also involved in New Nations productions.
Keystone United supporter Micco Malick (r).
Keystone United supporter Nicholas Gervasio.
Keystone United supporter Paul Spohn.
Keystone United supporters Ron and Tiffany Shirley.
Keystone United supporter Ryan Reidell.
Keystone United supporter Sandro Botticelli.

 

Blood and Honour affiliate Scott William.
Keystone united suppoter Scott Barton (r).
Keystone United supporter Steve Dilks (l) with his son, who he describes as “total white power.”
Keystone State Skinheads affiliate “Thor Farabaugh.”
Keystone United supporter Travis Condor.
Keystone United supporter Venita Harlan.
Keystone United supporter William Reardon.

Check in tomorrow for our wrap up article for this series.