Philly Area Woman With a History of Terroristic Threats Declares She is A White Supremacist, to Shoot ‘N—–’ After Incident At Free Concert

from Idavox

Augusta Mae DiRosato

All they told her was that she could not be in a certain part of the building at the concert. It became a call for race war. The videos that come with this article might be too sensitive for social media, but we have them here.

PHILADELPHIA, PA – It was to be the final performance for the Wanamaker Organ, a 110-year staple of the former flagship store of Wanamaker’s Department Stores in Center City, which closed in 1996 after 133 years and was taken over by Macy’s. On March 22, a free concert was held as that Macy’s was now closing after 19 years.

Unbeknownst to most attendees however, there was an incident that saw store workers berated with racial slurs by a woman with a history of associations with white supremacist circles and groups, along with a criminal record which includes threatening a game warden. She stated in a video that she was a white supremacist, said she had a gun, and threatened violence if those who aren’t white do not leave the country.

“So, as of today, I am free. I am a white nationalist. I am a white nationalist. I do not like anyone who isn’t white,” 31 year-old Augusta Mae DiRosato from Marcus Hook posted in a video to Twitter on Saturday, the day of the concert. “And that is the fault of people who do not know how to treat me with respect for the past four fucking years of my life. Calling me a Nazi, calling me all these fucking mean names because I wear an American flag, the flag of my country.”

She began a tirade about the store employees, referring to them with the N-Word and saying they had had her thrown out of the store during the concert. “And these n—— start shit with me purposely to get me kicked out and it worked,” she said. “So you know what I did? I walked up to each of their faces and I said, ‘N—–!’ You think they did anything? Of course not, because n—– never do anything when we call them a n—– their face and if they do, they lose the fight if their thirty fucking friends aren’t there to jump us. So I have a gun, so I can shoot you fucking n—— if you try that shit.”

<MEDIA>@https://idavox.com

DiRosato later posted a video of the incident on her YouTube channel and it shows her being approached by the store who told her she is not allowed in the part of the store she was in to watch the concert. She is heard saying, “This doesn’t belong to you. This doesn’t belong to you so go the freemasons and leave me alone,” possibly referring to the connections Wanamaker’s had to the freemasons, as founder John Wanamaker (who installed the organ in 1909), was a member of Friendship Lodge No. 400. She then said that she is being harassed because she is white and a patriot, threatened to call the police on the workers and then the video devolved into her calling them the N-Word before she walked down an escalator with the workers following her as she walked out the store. That prompted her to continue berating them with racial slurs. It isn’t clear if she was asked to leave or if she left of her own accord.

<MEDIA>@https://idavox.com

DiRosato has regularly retweeted Proud Boys and other fascist accounts on her page and prominent Proud Boys such as Enrique Tarrio and Zach Rehl follow her as she has supported those who were arrested for their roles in storming the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Ironicaly, she currently is in a war of words with neo-fascist Patriot Front because they will not accept women among their ranks.

Over the summer she created two videos; in one she does a Nazi salute, while in another she berates two Black men in a car, hurling racial slurs as she walks away. She supported the presidential campaign of Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., but after he ended that run she then began to support Trump. “I really want him to talk about how he is going to protect people’s pets from being eaten by Haitian illegal immigrants,” she said during a rally at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, before the debate there between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump, repeating a debunked right-wing talking point that at the time.

<MEDIA>@https://idavox.com
<MEDIA>@https://idavox.com

In 2017 she was arrested for terroristic threats to the Pennsylvania Game Commission. The threats consisted of five calls placed to the Pennsylvania Game Commission’s northeast regional office located in Dallas, PA. In one of them she said, “Ignorant, egotistical humans think it’s OK to hunt animals,” before threatening to, “blow it [the building] the (expletive) up with everyone inside.” Court records indicate she pled guilty to one count of disorderly conduct, obscene language and two counts of harassment. Because of this conviction, she is not allowed to own a firearm in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.

DiRosato has blocked antifascist accounts on Twitter, but a recent change allows anyone to view content even if they are blocked. Due to that change, those monitoring her account were aware of the March 22 videos. She has since deleted the videos from her accounts.

Macy’s corporate offices did not respond to requests for comment.

What’s Happening in Turkey — An Anti-Authoritarian Perspective

Submission

What’s Happening in Turkey — An Anti-Authoritarian Perspective
Why the current uprising in Turkey deserves our support.
Background
The Republic of Turkey, which was founded on the genocide of the Armenians in the region with a nationalist and murderous leaven, has not changed much in the past century. For non-Muslims, Kurds, Alevis and women who did not hold the majority and power in their hands, the state and its successfully constructed society were always a source of oppression. But starting in 2002, as a consequence of Erdoğan’s dictatorship, oppression, poverty, violence and exploitation started to be felt also by the majority of the society. In 2013, after increasing bans and oppressions, millions of people stood up for their freedoms in the Gezi Park riot that took place in cities all over the country. The months-long resistance ended with unprecedented national-scale police attacks in which eight young people aged 15-22 were killed and thousands detained. Since 2014, the Turkish state has become a police state, and after the 2016 fictitious coup attempt, it has been ruled with absolute authoritarianism under the state of emergency. Since 2021, as a result of the economic crisis that has escalated with great momentum, 60% of the population now lives below the hunger line.
Millions of people, forced into more misery every year, believed that the government and this situation would change in every election, but Erdoğan, who controls the media and the justice system, has never allowed this to happen through fear and manipulation. In the meantime, in order to prevent oppressed groups from coming together, he created a deep hatred within society, labelling each day a new community as terrorist-enemy-foreign agent: Kurds, Alevis, university students, syndicators, lawyers, journalists, academics. While these people were imprisoned on terrorism charges through state courts, those who were still out of prison were fooled by the propaganda that those imprisoned were terrorists. ‘Terror’ became a magic word for Erdoğan to maintain his power, while people who challenged authority ended up in prison, exile or death. In this way, he created zombified individuals and society that is losing its power day by day and collapsing politically, economically and morally. It is exactly in this context that the current uprising is being driven by the youth, who have never seen a mass uprising in their lives, but who have taken to the streets saying ‘nothing can be worse than living this way’. Millions of young people who have been brought up with the teaching that the previous rebels were terrorists and that the state and the police were friends, at least in theoretical terms, are now facing a different reality. Let us take a closer look at these protests.

Towards the 19 March ‘coup’
On the morning of 19 March 2025, hundreds of police arrested Ekrem İmamoğlu from his home – the mayor of Istanbul, who is believed to be a presidential candidate in the next election and to defeat Erdoğan- on terrorism and corruption charges. While the incident sparked widespread outrage in Turkey and around the world, Imamoğlu was not the first metropolitan mayor in Turkey to be dismissed and detained by the Turkish courts. Since 2016, many elected mayors from Kurdish cities have been dismissed, arrested and replaced by a government official in similar operations. The fact that these Kurdish mayors have been accused of these magical terrorism offences has convinced the majority of Turkish public to legitimize this and not to oppose it. The silence against this injustice in Kurdish cities empowered Erdoğan to do the same to other mayors run by the CHP (second largest political party, turkish-nationalist centre-left) and prepared the ground for this ‘coup’ on 19 March. The detention of even this highly popular, politically powerful, rich, Turkish, Sunni, privileged man on magical terrorism charges for opposing Erdogan has caused great shock and outrage. Now the honour of being a terrorist could be awarded not only to marginalised people, but to anyone who did not take Erdoğan’s side.
While the public dissent was being destroyed a little more every year, the people who had kept silent in deference to the state, the media and the courts had now found themselves in the target list. Thus, thousands of young people who had even forgotten how to dream under poverty, restrictions and oppression, and who had not yet been labelled as terrorists, suddenly woke up from their sleep or finally exploded in anger and took to the streets in many cities across Turkey on 19 March to start protests. Although it is difficult to say that the protesters are homogenous, it is possible to say that the majority of them are gen-z who have no previous protest experience for the reasons described above, who have not been able to get out of the fear bubble created by the government, who have been exposed to the very intense social engineering of the Turkish state through institutions such as school, media, family, etc., but who are now unable to breathe out of despair and want change. Although the detention of Ekrem İmamoğlu was a spark for these young people to take to the streets, they started to express their anger and demands on many issues by saying ‘the issue is not only about imamoğlu, have you not understood yet?’.
“Nothing is more horrible than living this way”
Encountering the state and overcoming the fear wall
Like almost every other gathering in Turkey, these protests were responded with massive violence by the police. For the first time, the protesters encountered the police, who not only wanted to disperse the crowd, but also to make everyone there pay a price for being there; who saw themselves as having the authority to punish people without the need for judgement, who were arrogant, bully, brutal, who had a personal hatred for the protesters and personal pleasure in torturing them, who were sure that they would not be held accountable for any of their violence. The protesters, who until then had regarded the police as a regular job like teaching, nursing or engineering, were unaware of how the police had become more mafia-like and monster-like every year, by hunting down ‘yesterday’s terrorists’. Thousands of youth seeing enemy law being applied to them too were brutally attacked by the police using an unbelievable amount of tear gas, rubber bullets and water cannons in one night. Faced with a massive attack, the majority of these young people did not know how to protect themselves in such an attack, how to care for each other, how to organise themselves. For some of them, responding to the police would mean being a ‘traitor’ or a ‘terrorist’, so they just froze, while a larger number, thinking that they had nothing to lose, broke the legitimacy of the police and responded to police violence with resistance. Having had the opportunity to express their anger for the first time, they covered their faces and threw everything they could at the police, danced in front of the water cannons instead of running away from them, and discovered that the power and legitimacy of the police was something that could be overcome. They did not seem to have a strategic plan for where this protest was going, nor did they seem to have a well-thought-out political consciousness. But the night was dominated by anger and a sense of having been heard for once, and this in itself was highly 
political, and the night ended with many injuries and arrests.
It was the first time since 2013 that there was such a massive protest with hours of resistance against the police. Although the protests were not shown on any TV channel, they were followed by many people through social media. The wall of fear was crossed for many people who realised that it was possible to oppose, to challenge the state, to rebel. The next day, more and more people took to the streets in more cities in Turkey to protest. At the same time, the Turkish state nationwide restricted the internet bands, taking minutes to upload even a ten-second video to the internet. Experienced protesters who supported the protests both at the streets and online informed people that this problem could be overcome with a VPN. And this time, the Turkish state blocked access to about 200 X accounts of journalists, legal associations, media collectives and political parties through Elon Musk. On the same day, the High Council of Radio and Television (RTÜK) prohibited any live broadcasts on TV channels. Again on the same day, although not directly related to the protests, the Board of Directors of the Istanbul Bar Association, known to oppose Erdoğan, was dismissed by a court decision.
At the same time, many lawyers from different cities who wanted to defend the detained protesters were also detained in police stations and courthouses. The number of detainees was increasing all the time, and some were ordered to be imprisoned or house arrest. The mayor, Ekrem Imamoğlu and around a hundred politicians, who had been detained the previous day, were still being questioned at the police station. All this oppression and fear did not discourage people from protesting in the streets, but only fuelled it. During the protests, MPs who took the microphone and gave speeches hoping for help from the election and the law were booed. The youth were pressurising the MPs to make a call to the streets, not to the ballot box, and this was accepted. This moment itself was another threshold point because ‘calling for the streets’ had been recognised as illegitimate in the law and society fabricated by Erdoğan for years. The fact that MPs who were engaged in ‘legal’ politics dared to do so was itself quite surprising for everyone. It was as if thousands of people, one by one, were crossing the invisible wall that the whole society did not know whether it really existed or not, but no one dared to go beyond it, and they were looking around in bewilderment in this land they had never set foot in, wondering what would happen to them.

Strategy of the Turkish State
Many long-established social opposition actors in Turkey made widespread calls for these protests, condemned the arrest of imamoğlu, supported the youth’s legitimate demands for justice, democracy and freedom, and stood up against police violence and bans. On the other hand, the Kurdish political movement (DEM Party), one of the strongest established actors of street protest, chose to limit its support to its high-level party leaders. Only party representatives made a symbolic visit to the centre of the protest, and released a statement declaring Imamoğlu’s detention as a coup d’état. The DEM Party’s support for such a large and widespread uprising, where ‘ordinary citizens’ were able to protest for the first time in years, could have been a game changer for the fate of the country and could have put Erdoğan in a harder position than ever before. From today’s perspective, it is not difficult to guess what was behind Erdoğan’s intention to start a peace process with the PKK in the past few weeks. However, why the DEM Party took such a stance remains a more complex question, the answer to which is left to be answered by history. Nevertheless, at this stage I think it is more important to talk about the results rather than the reasons, because the DEM Party’s distance has had two important consequences. The police on the street aswell as Erdoğan in the political Arena, managed to escape from a very important threat. The participation of the DEM parti and the kurdish youth in the protest could have make Erdoğan’s job very more difficult. Compared to the Gezi Park riots, the lack of experience, resilience, organizational skills and determination that the DEM Party and Kurdish youth could have brought in the protest was clearly noticeable.
I think that if Erdoğan and his police had one single wish for this time, they would use it to keep the Kurds away from these protests. The second of the results explains this better: The absence of the Kurds as a collective in this field gave more space to the nationalist and statist tendency, which was already quite strong among the protesters. Leaving aside the argument that this is both a cause and a consequence of the absence of the DEM Party, it should be noted that this crowd, which was uniformised in terms of ethnic identity, tended to be uniformised in other issues as well, with the result that those among the protesters who struggle with an intersectional approach, such as Kurds, feminists, LGBTI+s, socialists, anarchists, animal rights defenders, etc., became even more ‘marginalised’ in the protests and were understandably hesitant to be visible with these identities, for example, to hold up a rainbow flag, for their own safety. In most cities, LGBTI+ people did not feel safe to come to the protests collectively, nor an individual queer could figure out with whom they would feel safe at the protests. If Erdoğan and his police could make a second wish, they would definitely choose to wish that an intersectional struggle would not emerge from these protests. Because intersectionality, both in terms of the number and the quality it would bring, was Erdoğan’s worst nightmare. Because the future, the sustainability and the direction of this legitimate anger that emerged in the protests and whether it would ever threaten the state or not depended on its intersectional character. As explained at length above, Erdoğan had manage to achieve his current absolute authority through his precise policy of destroying the grounds of intersectionality. There was no doubt that the joining forces of all the oppressed in these protests would benefit all the oppressed and disadvantage their common enemy. However, I regret to say that Erdoğan and his police seem to be having good luck and their two most desirable wishes are being realised in the uprising that has been taking place since 19 March.
Happening now: widespread resistance against a very violent repression
As of today, 27 March, the protests still continue with the character I mentioned above. In the past week, queers, feminists, anarchists, socialists… have made significant progress in becoming more visible and giving the protests a revolutionary character. Simultaneously, the launching of a massive boycott campaign against many government related companies caused a great panic. On the same day, seeing high-ranking government officials giving pose in boycotted companies and advertising their products in support of these companies proved once again that we were officially at war: The Turkish state criminal organisation and its capital had declared a war against everyone they perceived as a threat to their interests. Apparently, their priority was not even to arrest people in this war, but to collect data on who was on the opposing front. It was not for nothing that the police, who surrounded the demonstration at the universities yesterday, said that they would release the protesters in exchange for removing their masks. Meanwhile, several guides on personal data security posted on social media by those who have been on the streets for years have been life-saving. While Erdogan’s professors at some universities have been sharing attendance sheets with the police to mark students who are not attending classes these days, many professors who supported the call for an academic boycott have already been dismissed from their posts. Although I have said that arrests are not the first priority, the prisons around Istanbul have reached their capacity and new detainees are expected to be sent to prisons in nearby cities. It is surprising only for those who do not know the real function of the law that dozens of people have now been arrested for the minor offence of ‘violation of the law on meetings and demonstrations’, which was not taken seriously in previous years because most of the time people did not even receive a fine as a result of the trial.

The necessity to take the side of the stone thrown at the police, not the person who throws it
We are at a point where it is once again clear that the approach taught to us by classical jurstice system and politicians, that we should unconditionally take the side of one of those in conflict, or that the status of victim and perpetrator should be two different people/identities that are strictly separated from each other, is leading us into a trap. It is so striking to watch how so many of 16-24 year old protesters, who are ready to threaten and expel Kurds or LGBTI+s who would come to the protests with their open identities and visibility, based on the mandatory education they have received from Erdoğan’s school, media and family, become perpetrators and victims at the same time. Since 19 March, as victims of the state in this uprising, if more than 2000 people have been detained, thousands of people have been injured – some of them fatally -, dozens of people have already been put in prison, unknown numbers of people have been kicked out of their families’ homes, universities, jobs, and have been labelled as terrorists by the intelligence services, this is partly because of the power they have lost as a result of their role as perpetrators. I see that this trap has caught on among some ‘yesterday’s terrorists’ and that a significant part of them, in particular in the Kurdish political party, which have spent their lives fighting against the state are at best indifferent to the violence of the state and the justified demands of the protesters. I also interpret the lack of knowledge and the silence of the antifascist movement in Switzerland and Europe in this light. Therefore, I feel a responsibility to explain what is happening in this uprising to other rebels around the world, because explaining that the current uprising, despite its complexity, deserves international support and solidarity can only be possible with an anti-authoritarian perspective that does not fall into the trap of taking sides, which is about to disappear in Turkey. It is possible to sup
port this uprising without victim blaming of someone for being tortured by the police and without excusing the same person as a perpetrator for attempting to suppress the Kurdish banner.
Where to place such a controversial uprising?
This uprising in Turkey still deserves to be supported, because the protesters are not only nationalist/apolitical generation z. Many queer, Kurdish, anarchist, socialist, anti-speciesist, feminist, people who believe in intersectional struggle… are raising their voices against injustice and resisting the Turkish state in the streets today as they have been doing for years. Despite their fear of the majority of protesters, they prefer to be on the streets and they are bearing a heavier share from state violence. The complexity of this uprising means that they need support more than ever. Backing this uprising is essential for them to come out of it with some regained ground or at least without being further pushed back. This uprising in Turkey still deserves to be supported because, one by one, the protesters, even if they harbour counter-revolutionary ideas, are legitimate in what they are revolting against, and this is what determines the legitimacy of an uprising: The organs and policies of the Turkish state, symbolised by Erdoğan. It does not matter that the majority of protesters want the dictator Erdoğan to fall and be replaced by the nationalist Imamoğlu. Today, we can stand shoulder to shoulder in the fight to bring down Erdoğan and tomorrow, we can part ways when the demand is to replace him with İmamoğlu. Once we have destroyed the biggest existing power, then we will fight to destroy the second biggest power, and then the third, until there is no power above us. This anarchist point of view calls for the support of any threat to Erdoğan, his state, his police, his judiciary. Criticism of these protests shouldn’t serve to isolate the uprising, but rather to inform the debates that will follow if it succeeds.
This uprising in Turkey still deserves to be supported because a dictator is using all the power and resources of the Turkish state, which has become a ‘criminal organisation’, to massacre people who do not have these power and resources, regardless of who they are. Not only protesters, but also their lawyers, journalists documenting torture, doctors treating the wounded at the protests, those who speak out about it, those who open their doors to people affected by the tear gas, anyone who is not in absolute obedience is now being punished. In the Turkey of 2025, where the state controls all private and public aspects of life and all our potential support is dismantled, Erdoğan surviving this uprising would mean leaving everyone who has ever questioned his authority locked in a burning building. This might be the first, only, and last chance we’ve had in years to act against Erdoğan’s power. That’s why any support for this uprising or any blow struck against its target, the Turkish state carries vital significance. This uprising in Turkey still deserves to be supported because for those who do not hold power and the majority, women, Kurds, Alevis, queers, the poor, youth, immigrants, ‘yesterday’s terrorists’, the first step toward breathing, being heard, and gaining freedom is the collapse of the current order. This uprising in Turkey still deserves to be supported, because this may be the last chance for us ‘yesterday’s terrorists’, who have already been imprisoned and forced into exile for rebelling for years, to see the daylight again in the country we were born.
Projet-Evasions.org

film screening: The Gentleman Bank Robber

from O.R.C.A.

6:30 PM
April 3
O.R.C.A.

The Gentleman Bank Robber delves into the life of bo brown, an ex-political prisoner, a white working class butch, and a former member of the George Jackson Brigade. Journey through recollections of bank robberies and life underground, alongside the day to day life of an unrepentant former guerrilla. Queer, witty, and serious all at once.

We’ll have copies of Queer Fire, a zine of writings and interviews with bo brown and other George Jackson Brigade members, available to $0-$99 sliding scale to raise money for the space.

46 mins
Directed by Julie Perini
English with subtitles

A VERY QUICK UPDATE ON CARA AND CELESTE

from Unoffensive Animal

Cara and Celeste have a court date coming up next month on April 21st. Supporters are invited and wanted. The court hearing is at 1:15pm at the Northumberland Courthouse, 201 Market St, Sunbury, PA, USA.

The defense is presenting a motion that argues that the state has insufficient evidence to continue the case, especially in regard to the serious charges of RICO and ecoterrorism.

For more information please visit their support website:
http://Wesupportcc.WordPress.com I

f you can afford to send them some coins please donate to their fundraiser:
https://phillyabc.org/northumberland-2/

Court and prisoner support is vital to the survival of this movement and those of us in it.

This community is only as strong as our solidarity. Love and Rage

`The Unexpected Guest and a Section of Palestine, Mon Amour’ & “A Mano Armata (Excerpts)” – English Translations of Alfredo Bonanno

from Reeking Thickets Press

‘The Unexpected Guest and a Section of Palestine, Mon Amour’:

PDF

Reading Imposed PDF

Printing Imposed PDF

Covers & Spine for Printing (8.5x~11.58″, color)

Paperback, ~5.25″ x 8.25″ x 0.58″, 266 pages

A Mano Armata (Excerpts)”:

PDF

Reading Imposed PDF

Printing Imposed PDF

Covers for Printing (8.5×11″, b&w)

Pamphlet, ~5.4″ x 8.25″, 51 pages

Limited amount of physical copies available, email reekingthickets@proton.me to check availability and get yours – $5 for the book, $2 for the pamphlet (just to cover part of the cost of printing) plus shipping if not local (book weighs ~1lb) If you’re a reading group or bookstore, infoshop, think you can get it into a prison, etc., inquire about possibly reduced cost or free books! We’re still working out the kinks of our very small-scale production process, and this edition is somewhat rough, with some edges trimmed on a slight slant, the occasional smudged or faded line of text, and the possibility of some toner rubbing off over time.

To our knowledge, The Unexpected Guest, A Mano Armata, and many of the included sections of Palestine, Mon Amour haven’t been properly translated into English, and this primarily machine-based translation – though we feel is sufficient for some purposes – certainly can’t be considered as such. Translation was carried out by Nim Thorn, a non-speaker of Italian, using various translation programs with the results then checked for apparent mistakes or divergences and the offending passages re-translated in context with dictionaries and using other translation programs. Short stanzas (such as the section “Untitled” in Palestine, Mon Amour) or metered sections (such as the Faust excerpts in The Unexpected Guest) were also translated word by word using comparisons of multiple tools. The introduction to the second edition of A Mano Armata is a particularly bad translation, of a difficult text in the first place, though some parts of it still shine through quite clearly, and the subject matter – in part about the desire to engage with the word backwards by constructing semio-cognitive labyrinths to reflect absence and help bypass the recuperating tendency of the will and language – feels ironically relevant.

No authorization was sought for this independent, not-intended-for-profit project and, for our part, further printing or distribution is welcomed.

`The Unexpected Guest and a Section of Palestine, Mon Amour’ brings together a new, rough translation of the 2010 book L’Ospite Inatteso by influential Sicilian insurrectionary anarchist, robber, poet, and philosopher Alfredo Bonanno (and as he reminds us, former motorcycle racer, professional poker player, and business executive) with similar, mostly previously untranslated sections from another book of his, Palestina, Mon Amour, and some relevant excerpts from his essay, “E noi saremo sempre pronti a impadronirci un’altra volta del cielo: Contro l’amnistia” (trans. – “And we will always be ready to storm the heavens again: Against the amnesty”).

An accompanying 51pg. pamphlet, “A Mano Armata (Excerpts)” collects more topical sections from that book of his (the title of which translates as `with armed hand’, or `at gunpoint’ and is part of the Italian legal name of offenses analogous to armed robbery or assault with a deadly weapon, with `a mano‘ also having the sense of a tool ready and available for use, or of `hand-made’, `manually’).

The sharply echoing, often numbered and diary-like stanzas that make up much of the book are a remembrance of the deadly, pro-liberatory armed struggle Bonanno took part in during the `60s and following decades, including alongside Palestinians in the Levant (relating also his experience of torture for this by Mossad in 1972), in Greece against the junta, in Ireland, Algeria, Uganda, and Italy. Written mostly during various later-life prison stints in Italy and Greece for robberies and seditions (both real and fabricated), these poetic, searingly honest tracings of formative, difficult memories grapple with suffering, monstrosity, humanity, and ghostly normality, the silent, irreversible and all-transfiguring singularities of death and of ending the lives of others, and the irresolvable tension between the quantitative and qualitative. The paradoxical, messy engagements with the often deeply flawed, recuperative, and quixotic but sometimes critical aspects of clandestine revolutionary warfare come deeply into play, alongside those with the projects of memory, theoretical and personal understanding, and the word itself. Bonanno refuses to shy away from the stark insights and puzzling question marks born of having closely shadowed and struck at torturers, informers, provocateurs, traitors, cops, and soldiers, and does so without hiding behind either moralism or trite anti-moralist cliches. Reaching us like an esoteric, late medieval folk heretic, Bonanno in these texts feels perfectly attuned to apprehend his and our current moments (in particular their real incomprehensibility), even through such unlikely lenses as his highly ambivalent exegeses of Saint Augustine or Goethe’s Faust.

Footnotes, selections, typesetting, back cover text for the book (the back cover text of the A Mano Armata pamphlet is taken from excerpts of the text), and cover designs are also by Nim Thorn.

Autonomous Action On Lawn Of UPenn President Larry Jameson

from Instagram

[Video Here]

Wake up, Larry.

At 7am this morning an autonomous action gathered on the front lawn of UPenn President Larry Jameson to wake him up from his comfortable slumber as he allows the university to fund Israel’s genocide against the Palestinians through investments and providing shelter and resources to Ghost Robotics and the GRASP labs which industrialize the mass extermination campaign.

PHL Free Monthly Zine Fest

from Instagram

ITS GETTING WARMERRRR 🌞 phillys 3rd monthly zine fest , March 30th 3pm in Clark park at the chess tables! Come distro food, smiles, warmth, joy, spring very well may have sprung by the time zine fest rolls around again!! 😱🫦🌷🪺 read some zines, have a picnic, make some friends… Dress cute or dress like a slob either way don’t bother brushing your hair or washing your ass because we don’t give a fuck. SEE U THERE 💌🧸💌🧸
ITS GETTING WARMERRRR 🌞 phillys 3rd monthly zine fest , March 30th 3pm in Clark park at the chess tables! Come distro food, smiles, warmth, joy, spring very well may have sprung by the time zine fest rolls around again!! 😱🫦🌷🪺 read some zines, have a picnic, make some friends… Dress cute or dress like a slob either way don’t bother brushing your hair or washing your ass because we don’t give a fuck. SEE U THERE 💌🧸💌🧸

BLOW UP THIS POST! DONATE TO CARA&CELESTE’S FUNDRAISER

from Unoffensive Animal

Its been a little while since we have written about Cara & Celeste, who were arrested and accused of a mink liberation in the USA. We don’t have updates about the case but would like to remind folks of their legal fundraiser, which is still stuck at 16k when they are needing to raise 75k USD.

Please, if you are reading this, send what you can afford to the fundraiser.

If that is 1 USD, that is better than nothing. If it is 100, that is equally as awesome!

Maybe it’d be cool to organise a fundraising event locally with other anarchist and animal rights folks? A fundraising diner, or a gig, or whatever other event that will help raise awareness and funds! If you are organising anything, we will be very happy to promote it so hit us up!

It is important to remember that c&c havr not been convicted for this crime, but that as a movement we are responsible for the wellbeing of all of us, and that includes ensuring that anyone who is facing the court system knows we have their backs!

If you cant afford donating, and you can’t organise a fundraiser, it would be awesome if you can share this post far and wide so others read it, collective self defence will take us far!

Donate here:
https://phillyabc.org/northumberland-2/

SOLIDARITY ALWAYS!

DONT USE MOLOTOVS: Some notes on safely burning teslas (or other cars)

Submission

Seeing the wave of tesla arsons has made us incredibly happy. But we are worried to see that many of these attacks have used molotovs

-molotovs aren’t guaranteed to ignite/explode. There have been many cases where police have recovered intact molotov cocktails from attacks. that is a shitton of forensic evidence that detectives WILL exploit.
-Even if the bottle does shatter, the shards of glass still likely contain tons of valuable forensic evidence
-Molotovs are loud and immediately create a big flame, all of which kills the element of surprise needed for arson attacks, which runs the risk of you getting captured or the fire gets extinguished much quicker

ALTERNATIVES: Fire starter cubes, sometimes paired with liquid accelerant in plastic bottles

Fire starter cubes are probably the best way to burn a car.
-they are guaranteed to self destruct
-they are discreet. By the time the vehicle has been engulfed in flames you will have had ample time to escape
-they are widely available, small, lightweight, and incredibly simple to use

Instructions:
We haven’t tested if a singular small cube is sufficient, but we recommend using at least a pack/bundle of them per vehicle. Placing them on top of a front tire is the best for both electric and gas vehicles. Placing them under the vehicle next to the tire could also be a good option as the flame is even more hidden, but we havent tested it ( if you do it this way it would probably be smart to also incorporate a plastic bottle of accelerant to ensure the flames are high and and strong enough)

Whatever design you use, you must test it beforehand and guarantee that every part of the device will be destroyed in a timely manor.

Dont smash windows if youre going to burn something because it is loud and increases the risk of leaving dna. be careful not to touch anything at the scene of the crime

Exercise abundant caution obtaining and handling materials. The no trace project (notrace.how) has great resources for avoiding surveillance and mitigating forensic evidence.

Stay anonymous, get home safe, and go torch the ever loving shit out of every part of this miserable society.

-Anarchists Against Electric Vehicles, Electricity, and Vehicles

Skyscraper Jails: The Abolitionist Fight Against Jail Expansion in New York City

from Making Worlds Books

In Skyscraper Jails, scholars and organizers Jarrod Shanahan and Zhandarka Kurti detail how progressive forces in New York City appropriated the rhetoric of social movements and social justice to promise “downsized” and “humane” jails. The principal advocates of these new jails were not right-wing politicians, but prominent city activists and progressive non-profit organizations. Join the authors for a discussion of this unique moment for anti-jail activism and what it means for moving forward.

Zhandarka Kurti is an Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice and Criminology at Loyola University, Chicago. She researches and writes about race, class, policing, incarceration, and mass supervision. She is the co-author of States of Incarceration: Rebellion, Reform and the Future of America’s Punishment System and editor of Treason to Whiteness is Loyalty to Humanity. She lives in Chicago.

Jarrod Shanahan is the author of Captives: How Rikers Island Took New York City Hostage, co-author of States of Incarceration: Rebellion, Reform, and America’s Punishment System, and City Time: On Being Sentence to Rikers Island, forthcoming from NYU Press, and editor of Treason to Whiteness Is Loyalty to Humanity. He lives in Chicago and works as an assistant professor of Criminal Justice at Governors State University in University Park, IL.

Please register for the event here.

  • Sunday, March 23, 2025
  • 4:00 PM 5:30 PM
  • Making Worlds Bookstore & Social Center 210 South 45th Street Philadelphia, PA, 19104 United States (map)

The Language Of Violence

from O.R.C.A.


How do we define violence, and who gets to decide? What is terrorism and what is harm? Language is not just a tool for communication between individuals, but a tool for social control under systems. Language shapes how we understand things like harm, justice, and oppression in general. The words we use influence policy, media narratives, and even the way we respond to acts of violence. But what happens when certain harms are dismissed, obscured, or legitimized through language?

This interactive workshop delves into the power of framing, drawing on George Lakoff’s work on cognitive linguistics and Johan Galtung’s theory of direct, structural, and cultural violence. We will examine how language constructs meaning, dictates public discourse, and reinforces or disrupts systems of power. Participants will engage in critical discussions and real-world case examples (Yes, we’re gonna talk about our boy Luigi) to explore key questions:

  • How does the framing of violence influence public perception, policy decisions, and shape a carcerality?
  • What forms of harm are ignored or minimized due to linguistic choices?
  • How do terms like “crime,” “terrorism,” and “security” shape narratives around state and interpersonal violence?
  • How can we harness linguistic awareness as a tool for social change?

Through group activities and reflective dialogue, attendees will learn to critically analyze the ways language frames violence in media, politics, and everyday conversation. Join us for an engaging and thought-provoking conversation on the intersection of linguistics, violence, and cultural perception.

  • Date: 2025/03/23 15:00

Zine: The Struggle Against Ghost Robotics

Submission
🤖🐶
It is unclear what the struggle for Palestinian liberation will look like in the coming days. At the time of this writing a ceasefire has just been reached between Hamas and the Zionist entity, at the same time the Zionist entity continues to devastate Gaza and the West Bank. Last year a specific struggle against a local technology company connected the dots between Palestinian liberation, local gentrification, education, militarism, and borders. The company in question, Ghost Robotics, has come under fire for creating robot dogs used by the Israeli Defense Forces. That struggle may well be ongoing and this zine is not meant to push struggles into the safety of history, its aim is to inspire revolt, specifically against Ghost Robotics and generally against all aspects of domination. The struggle against Ghost Robotics has taken many forms, from spreading information and popular education, to organizing demonstrations, to destroying property. By reflecting on the past struggles we can better imagine and carry out our struggles today. This zine brings together writings about Ghost Robotics, a timeline of publicly documented action against Ghost Robotics, communiques from anonymous actions, a few photos. All information is taken from sources listed in the Resources section at the end.
Philadelphia, Occupied Lenapehoking,
Winter 2025
[PDF] [PDF For Printing]

Philly All Out To Free Mahmoud Khalil

from Instagram

Send from trusted comrades. FREE MAHMOUD KHALIL!! ❤️‍🔥🇵🇸❤️‍🔥🇵🇸❤️‍🔥 See ya’ll tomorrow!!!
Send from trusted comrades. FREE MAHMOUD KHALIL!! ❤️‍🔥🇵🇸❤️‍🔥🇵🇸❤️‍🔥 See ya’ll tomorrow!!!
[EMERGENCY RALLYFriday March 14
5pm
City Hall

Bring signs and posters and remember to mask up!

Rallly coordinate by autonomous individuals not affiliate with any organization
FREE MAHMOUD, FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS]

Admin note

from Never Sleep

There have been recent issues with the file upload webssite espiv — we received several file links that showed up as deleted. We received a suggestion from another counter-info site to use upload.disroot.org instead. We encourage you to reupload your files if you have recently submitted something that was not posted or was missing files.

Tariffs Divide Us – The Struggle Unites!

from Philly Metro Area WSA

From Workers Solidarity Alliance, Labor Committee.

Revolutionary unionists have always stood for the solidarity of the global working class, rejecting every attempt by the ruling class to divide us—whether through borders, race, gender, or any other means of exploitation. The idea that workers in any one country have interests in common with their bosses is a lie designed to keep us from recognizing our true power. The recent trade war policies of the fascist U.S. President Trump, which sought to pit U.S. workers against workers in other nations through tariffs, were just one example of how those in power manipulate workers for their own gain. When ruling classes in other countries retaliate, it is nothing more than a struggle between competing capitalists—none of whom serve the interests of the working class. Meanwhile, their economic and political systems continue to brutalize migrant workers, exploit marginalized laborers, and uphold structures of oppression that harm all but the wealthiest few.

Any attempt to rally workers behind protectionist policies—whether by right-wing nationalists or union bureaucrats like United Auto Workers President Shawn Fain—is a betrayal of true working-class solidarity, operating within a system that assumes the permanence of exploitation, seeking only to negotiate for slightly better conditions rather than challenging the system itself. It is no surprise, then, that they accept the logic of capitalist competition, framing economic struggles as battles between nations rather than between workers and bosses. If our unions are led by those willing to collaborate with the ruling class, then workers must build new structures of power—organizing outside the limits imposed by hierarchical union leadership and embracing direct action, mutual aid, and truly democratic decision-making in our workplaces, communities, and beyond.

At the same time, we reject the myth of “free trade” as a benevolent force. For centuries, imperialist powers—including the U.S., Russia, and China today—have used it as an ideological cover for the exploitation and plunder of workers in smaller, less powerful nations. The wealth hoarded by the ruling classes of imperialist nations is stolen from the labor and resources of the Global South, just as capitalism itself is built on the theft of Indigenous land, the unpaid labor of enslaved people, and the continued oppression of marginalized communities. Some workers in the imperial core may receive small material benefits from this exploitation, but we reject any suggestion that this justifies their complicity. The labor movement must refuse to be a tool of capitalist expansion, and those who try to convince workers that they share a common cause with their bosses—whether through nationalism or reformism—are enemies of true workers’ liberation.

Rather than being trapped in the false choice between “free trade” and protectionism, workers must demand a new world—one where resources and wealth are shared equitably, and decisions about production and distribution are made democratically by those most affected. A movement for workers’ liberation must be rooted in feminism, anti-racism, disability justice, environmental justice, and the struggle against all forms of oppression. Only through solidarity that recognizes the full humanity of all workers—across borders, genders, and identities—can we create a future beyond capitalism, where our labor serves our communities, not the profits of the ruling class.