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Establishing a Security Baseline for Anarchists and Radicals

  • August 7, 2026 1:54 am

from No Trace Project

The Tinderbox collective gave permission for this article to be published online.

This text was written in response to an ongoing need in Philly and elsewhere for tighter security practices. It also responds in part to the No Trace Project’s “To the International Anarchist Movement: Three Security Proposals”, which includes a proposal to establish security baselines locally. The authors write:

“Anarchists who carry out direct actions should analyze the risks associated with their actions and take appropriate precautions: dress anonymously, be mindful of video surveillance and DNA traces, and so on. However, this is not enough. If only those who carry out actions take precautions, it is easier for our enemies to target these individuals. This is, firstly, because they stand out: if only a handful of comrades always leave their phones at home, for example, this could be an obvious starting point for an investigation with no other specific leads. And secondly, because our enemies can get information about them through their friends who do not carry out actions: if someone doesn’t use social media but is mentioned on their friends’ social media, for example, an investigation could query their friends’ social media to get information about them. We should therefore establish a security baseline that everyone in anarchist networks agrees to follow, including those who have never carried out direct actions and have no intention of doing so.”

“It can be difficult to convince people to follow such a security baseline, especially if they think they have no personal interest in following it. If someone is reluctant, we should remind them that it’s not just their security that’s at stake, but also the security of other anarchists around them who may be carrying out or planning to carry out direct actions. Everyone who wants actions to happen has an interest in making anarchist networks as difficult as possible for the authorities to repress.”

In this text, we try to identify specific needs, for example for various kinds of communication with each another, and establish some baseline practices around meeting those needs that we can all share to make ourselves harder targets for state repression. We feel that this is especially urgent in this era of increased repression of many oppressed populations in the U.S. and of resistance more generally. This repression has been unpredictable, chaotic, and terrifying. We can empower ourselves to keep fighting for anarchy and liberation by establishing some shared practices in the Philadelphia anarchist/radical space that make us all safer.

That being said, the state’s response to strong radical struggles is never gonna be pretty or predictable, and we would offer similar recommendations about security practices regardless of who is running the country. These recommendations are based in part on the current level of radical activity that’s going on in Philly, but they’re also tailored to the level of activity that we’re working towards, to what we see as our potential. This might include the return of widespread prolonged uprisings in the streets. Or, in the absence of mass uprisings, it could also look like a broader and more escalated culture of direct action and attack, anarchist and liberatory ideas spreading more widely, and more autonomous practices being taken up by more people. These are just some examples, and everyone will have their own vision, but the point is that if we wanna become more of a threat, it makes sense to prepare to be treated like one.

We can learn from other countries and contexts, as well as our own, how the state might investigate and respond to something like a prolonged campaign of escalated direct actions and attacks. In those other contexts, when there are no immediate, obvious suspects, the state is forced to investigate in ways that teach us a lot about its resources and how we can mitigate those state responses. Here in Philly, it wasn’t so long ago that there was a house raid, which we can assume was attached to a broader police investigation, that targeted student activists in response to campus solidarity encampments and some light vandalism. So this kind of thing is not hypothetical.

Let’s imagine if there were an active investigation going on into an anarchist scene in Philly (or into whatever part of the radical space here feels relevant to you). We’ll also imagine that individuals are taking solid precautions around criminalized activities and that there are no obvious suspects for particular incidents. Based on information from elsewhere, this police investigation could look like the following:

  1. A first step would be for investigators to geolocate phones to keep track of certain anarchists’ locations, who they’re meeting up with, etc.
  2. Certain people’s phones would be wiretapped (not necessarily people who you would expect).
  3. A next step would be to plant bugs and/or cameras in anarchist spaces, outside (or inside) anarchists’ houses, and/or at known regular meetup spots. GPS trackers are also easy to plant on individuals’ cars.
  4. A further step would be physical surveillance. This could either be obvious, like occasional police patrols going by your house, and/or the kind that requires some amount of study to reliably detect.[1]

Based on your phone usage, for example, what would the police discover if you were one of the targets of this kind of surveillance? What would they find out about you if one of your friends was targeted? Keep in mind that we can never be completely “secure” and our lack of total security should never allow us to get trapped in inaction. But we should also consider what small steps we can take now towards better security, for ourselves and our friends’ sakes.

Our suggestion is to start by working on your own practices. Try to establish shared practices with your closest people and/or with individuals with whom you already do particular projects. Keep in mind that the level of security you choose for a specific project should depend on the project. For example, organizing a monthly free store in the park will look different from planning a three-person sabotage action. We don’t focus on that here because we’re trying to keep it short and sweet. But for more information about how to assess the specific security needs of a particular project, see the No Trace Project’s “Threat Library”.

The following are proposals based on mistakes we ourselves have made or seen elsewhere in anarchist and radical spaces. They’re intended to be up for discussion. If you have feedback on these proposals, please email phillysecuritybaseline@riseup.net.

Digital Communication

1) Texting & Calling

A general rule of thumb about this is when texting or talking on the phone (including on Signal), ask yourself, would I want what I’m saying read back to me in a courtroom transcript?

  • Do not use Signal to organize anything remotely illegal, including anarchist publication projects or other writing that claims or encourages criminalized activities.
  • If you need to, use Signal to schedule in-person meetings or conversations, at which you will then organize what you’re trying to organize.
  • Do not hint over Signal about organizing something spicy, that the conversation you’re trying to schedule will be spicy, etc. Please just act normal. Leaving out certain details or avoiding certain topics over text can feel uncomfortable at first, but if you keep it up it starts to feel more natural.
  • Avoid joining big group chats. If the police arrest someone who is carrying their device, or if they raid a house and seize devices while they’re still turned on, they can usually search these devices and this compromises every other individual who is in a group chat with the person whose device was seized. Is it worth it? Consider how you can arrange to get the info on that thread in a different way.

2) Social Media Usage

Social media profiles are either completely public or at the very least extremely easy for law enforcement, fascists, and other adversaries to access. Social media is the first thing cops will go to in order to learn more about local radical or anarchist networks, precisely because it is so easy to access. If you consider that everything you say on social media can be read by law enforcement and is at the very least being passively stored in some data warehouse for later use, it starts to feel very silly to continue handing them info (any kind of info) on a silver platter. Let’s make it harder for them! 🙂

  • We recommend not using social media for most projects. For projects with a social orientation, like an anarchist social center or bail fund, sometimes social media can help spread awareness of the project. But social media should not be used to organize, gauge the effectiveness of our organizing, or communicate about radicalism in any other way than posting information about events or projects.
  • Consider not having personal social media, since this is such an incredibly easy resource for police investigations. It hands them a lot of insight into particular individuals’ personalities and personal lives, helps them trace social and political networks, charts people’s activities, and so on.

Getting rid of social media accounts can feel impossible because it feels like we’re sacrificing something that is important for our happiness and well-being, and technically we are — these platforms are designed to get us addicted to the dopamine hits that we get from them. But this isn’t just about giving something up, it’s also about the possibilities that not using social media offers us. Imagine the worlds we can open up for ourselves once we minimize our use of these alienated digital ways of relating to each other and make more time and space for the happiness and personal well-being that comes from relationships rooted in real connection. Something to think about…

The bottom line: do not talk about other anarchists or anarchist actions on social media. Do not give out any non-public information that would be useful for a police investigation.

Face-To-Face Communication

1) Where We Talk

  • Don’t discuss illegal actions that have happened, actions that you are planning, or other sensitive information, around phones, or indoors, on your porch, in your backyard, etc.
  • Go for a walk, meet in a park, etc.
  • When planning more intense actions, try meeting at an agreed-upon spot and then walking somewhere else, ideally to somewhere you haven’t been before or don’t typically go to.
  • Don’t make it obvious who you talk about sensitive subjects with (for example, asking someone else to “go for a walk” when you’re in the middle of a group of people).

2) What We Talk About

  • Don’t brag about actions that have happened or imply involvement in actions.
  • If you think it makes sense to share sensitive information with someone, try asking them first if they’d like to hear it. It’s a disservice to tell someone more than they need to know without their consent. On the off chance that that person is later subpoenaed to a grand jury, or interrogated by law enforcement, it’s so much easier for them to say nothing when they genuinely don’t know anything.
  • Don’t discuss involvement in actions after the fact, including with the people you did the action with. Depending on what the action was, a scheduled debrief soon afterwards can be an exception to this. The point is to not casually reminisce, especially months or years later.
  • If you’re involved in a publication or website that discusses and/or promotes illegal actions, keep your involvement a secret.[2]

Use of Phones/Devices

  • Absolutely do not take your phone (or any other networked device, including laptops, networked watches, baby monitors, car GPS) to anything at all illegal. Do not bring phones or other networked devices to a conversation in which private or confidential information is shared. Understand that if you do so, you are bringing a potential snitch to the action or conversation. This is very serious.
  • Avoid taking your phone to other meet-ups or events at which mapping of social networks (which having your phone there could provide to police) would be helpful to the authorities. For example, radical workshops and presentations, trainings, jail support, etc.
  • Consider not bringing your phone when meeting up with friends either, since this obstructs law enforcement’s ability to map networks as well and it’s always nice to know that none of your opps[3] are listening and learning from you and your friends talking about your private lives, political views, scene drama, etc.
  • Many anarchists in Philly have started leaving their phones at home at all times or almost all times, and we encourage this practice to spread further. It is important that there be a broader culture of not taking our phones with us everywhere, so that the few people who already do so don’t stand out as much.
  • Do not enable biometric authentication (facial recognition, fingerprint) on your devices. The cops can compel you to use this to unlock and gain access to your devices; they can’t force you to enter your password.
  • Encrypt your phone and laptop, if you have them. Remember that if the device is turned on, encryption will be easy for the cops to bypass. If you’re involved in struggles or activities that carry a risk of your house being raided, it should be standard practice to turn off phones and computers before going to bed. This ensures that they’re effectively encrypted and mitigates the seizure of devices during early-morning house raids.
  • Do not use unencrypted devices for activities related to anarchy or radical organizing; ideally, don’t use unencrypted devices at all.

Reading and Research

  • Use Tor Browser to read articles about criminalized activity or articles that are relevant to future actions you might do.
  • Consider using a VPN at all times while you’re on the internet. We recommend downloading Mullvad VPN; it just runs in the background and you hardly notice it. Using a VPN drastically reduces the ability of adversaries to access your data, even without using Tor Browser.
  • Use Tails OS to research illegal actions. Tails leaves no trace of activity on your computer, and forces all internet connections through the Tor network.
  • Use Tails OS to moderate sketchy websites.
  • If you’re interested or already involved in doing more intense actions, and will be using the internet to research these or write/send in communiques about them, you can add additional precautions to using Tails. These are not necessary for everyone, but are a best practice and are especially suitable if you are already known to the police as a radical or anarchist and thus more likely to be under some kind of surveillance at some point.
    • Get a computer in person that you exclusively use for Tails.
    • Make sure you’re using a USB stick for Tails that has not been used before or tampered with.
    • Never connect this laptop to your home wifi network — go somewhere else that has internet.[4]

Note that not everyone in an affinity group or constellation has to be doing these tasks, so if your shared resources are limited, just make sure your group has access to at least one of these kinds of computers if you are interested in these kinds of activities.

Writing

  • Use Tails for sending communiques.
  • Especially for heavier actions, consider not writing a communique if the action seems to speak for itself. Or, write a short communique that is mostly just descriptive and avoids noticeable word choice, slang, writing style, and other potential identifiers. The police use linguistic forensics to plot out who writes what.[5]

Action

Talking to the Cops

  • Do not talk to the cops. This one is non-negotiable. This includes being detained during a demo, getting an FBI visit, being interrogated in jail, cops knocking on your door or stopping you in the street asking about something random or unrelated to anarchist activity (in reality it might not be unrelated at all), being approached by the prosecution of a case, being subpoenaed to testify at a grand jury, etc.
  • In all cases, tell them you can’t talk to them without your lawyer (it’s ok if you don’t actually have a lawyer). You will probably be required to give your name and birthdate (and possibly your address) when arrested and that’s fine. If it’s an FBI visit, ask for their card.
  • Afterwards, contact Up Against the Law or another local anti-repression group and then discuss with your comrades if it makes sense to put out information about the incident to others in your networks. Not every interaction with the police needs to lead to a public statement (for example, traffic stops, apolitical arrests, mass demo arrests, and so on), but in the case of an FBI visit, grand jury subpoena, or any other attempted interrogation by law enforcement, it’s usually good to spread this information far and wide as it is likely linked to a broader investigation into your networks. Discuss what the police asked and how they asked it; what, if anything, would be interesting for others in struggles to know about; and, if so, how this info can be circulated to other comrades. This also reduces the isolation of being singled out by the law, which can feel much worse if you feel alone in it. This brings us into our next and final topic…

Discussing Repression

  • The state knows who got arrested and what the charges are; it knows that the FBI visited your home, that someone got a subpoena for a grand jury, and so on. Basic information about repression and police investigations should be shared widely so other people are aware of what level of attention anarchists are attracting from law enforcement and can move accordingly.
  • Pretty much all information that is in the cops’ and prosecution’s hands (for example, what is written in the affidavit of probable cause for an arrest) is ok to be shared with others. When you describe why someone got arrested, make sure you are referring to the state’s information about it, or to something you read in the news (“The cops are saying that…”, “The defendant allegedly did…”, “I read that…”, etc.) Don’t speak from your personal experience and don’t say that the accused person did something illegal, just that they are accused of doing it.
  • Do not speculate about why someone might have gotten a particular charge, etc. Be content that you don’t know anything and could honestly say to the cops that you can’t tell them anything if for some reason you were questioned about the situation.
  • If for some reason law enforcement interrogated you or asked you questions about an anarchist scene in Philadelphia, specific individuals, etc, it is your responsibility to inform other anarchists about the interrogation. There is no reason not to do this unless you gave them information in the course of that conversation and are trying to cover that up. If you didn’t answer their questions, there’s no reason not to let other people know about the conversation.

Case Studies for Further Reading

1.For more information on physical surveillance and how to detect it, see “Measures Against Surveillance”, which has examples from Germany.

2.In the U.S. and elsewhere, there have been cases in which people moderating a website that reposted criminalized actions were charged and served prison time (see for example the SHAC 7 case). There is also now a precedent elsewhere for individuals allegedly involved in anarchist newspaper publications (ones that “reward and justify criminal action”) being charged with being in a criminal organization, as well as the publication being used as the jumping off point for an investigation (into widespread attacks) that didn’t have any other leads (see writings on the §129 case in Munich such as “Petrol, Printer Ink, and Paranormal Activity”).

3.No Trace Project note: Term meaning opponents/enemies.

4.According to AnarSec’s Tails Best Practices guide, an adversary like the NSA is potentially capable of breaking Tor through a correlation attack. So if you’re using wifi at a public space and they do a non-targeted correlation attack, the internet address in that situation won’t lead back to you personally. In Jeremy Hammond’s case, he was already under surveillance and the state carried out targeted correlation attacks at his home that were then used as corroborating evidence in his case: “Specifically, they correlated Tor network traffic coming from the suspect’s house with the times their anonymous alias was online in chatrooms.”

5.See “Who Wrote That?” from Zündlumpen .

6.There have been many cases in the U.S. in the past two years alone in which comrades were identified by police as suspects and later convicted in part because they drove a car or motorcycle to the site of the action.

In Contempt #9: Black August Approaches, Resistance and Repression in the Aftermath of Prairieland – Against Cooperation and Compromise, Up With Total Liberation!

  • August 7, 2026 1:19 am

from In Contempt

[This post only contains information relevant to Philadelphia and the surrounding area, to read the entire article follow the above link.]

Introduction

Black August approaches, the living memory of an ongoing, unfinished struggle waged by Black revolutionaries inside, against, and beyond prisons and the world they exist to uphold. The horizon of liberation that all prisons exist to obscure and bury alive will always remain accessible to our dreams and desires—will always remain there to vividly revive—so long as we advance the fight and why we fight against everything that keeps us locked away from a life worth living. The brutal eruption of intensifying state repression cannot capture this desire for freedom. Certainly its raw force can isolate, exclude, capture, crush, but so, too, does everything else in the massive open-air prison we call this world. And yet, despite everything, there’s still a crack in the barbed-wire-covered walls around the future… There’s still the possibility, at any moment, to struggle…

We are well aware that fighting against repression is dangerous, but it’s no more and no less dangerous than everything else the world has in store for us. After all, we weren’t the ones who decided how this world would look. It’s up to us to decide, just like in any struggle, what we want to do with it… Why would we refuse to face repression head on? As long as we consider repression in the wider context of the social war we’re engaged in, it shouldn’t be too difficult or contrived to respond to the blows of repression by connecting them to other forms of oppression and, above all, to other ongoing revolts. Solidarity isn’t based on repression as such but on what we recognize in ourselves that might drive individuals, actions, and struggles forward… Solidarity is much more than providing material support for people facing repression. It’s above all about advancing the fight and why we fight.

— Repression & Its World: Reflections on How to Avoid Isolating Repression from the Struggle

With the still-living light of Black August in our minds, we return with another round-up of updates and calls to action about political prisoners, state repression of revolutionaries, and rebellions behind bars.

As always, we welcome submissions and international contributions––hit up in_contempt @ autistici . org.A zine and a pamphlet of this column will be available in the coming days to print and share with friends, comrades, and loved ones behind bars.

Political Prisoners / POW’s

Mumia Abu-Jamal

Mumia Abu-Jamal has filed a petition with the United Nations working group on Arbitrary Detention. In an interview with The Guardian, Mumia talks about the appeal: “Presenting my claims to the UN will be one of the first times that judges will be hearing them without a vested interest” … “Hope is an element of struggle, is it not? As we used to say in the old days, ‘A luta continua’.”

George Floyd Uprising Prisoners

As far as we are aware, these are the current addresses of the George Floyd Uprising prisoners:

David Elmakayes -066
USP Lee
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 305
Jonesville, VA 24263

Smart Communications/PADOC
Khalif Miller
SCI Forest
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

Roundup

Black Lion Party for International Solidarity chairman Paul Birdsong was arrested on gun charges after Philadelphia’s revoked of Paul and other member’s firearm permits following police harassment of the group’s community self defense patrols. A Gofundme for legal support was set up; Paul has since released on bond.

Fighting Detention Centers

ICE is also seeking private contractors to cage 5500 people at four locations in Denver, Miami, Seattle, and near Philadelphia. Wired reports that new language in the contracts attempt to evade outside oversight, asserting that state and local laws “shall not apply” to the prisons.

DSA Emerge organized a zap for Mumia Abu Jamal demanding medical treatment:

CALL TO ACTION🚨
Mumia Abu-Jamal is facing medical abuse at the hands of the Pennsylvania Deartment of Corrections, and needs our support!

Call SCl Mananoy to demand medical treatment. Basic Script:
“Hello, my name is ____ and I’m calling to request that Mumia Abu-Jamal DIN # 8335 be seen and treated by specialists, who treat diabetic retinopathy and glaucoma, immediately. He also needs to be examined for new glasses, a heart-healthy diet, filtered water and regular exercise, indoors and out.”

• Superintendent’s Office Thomas Sokaloski) – (570) 773-2158
• PA DOC Secretary (Dr. Laurel Harry) – (7177) 728-4109 or (717) 728-2573
• PA DOC Secretary – ra-crpadocsecretary@pa.gov

Show up for him by:
💸 Becoming a Monthly Sustainer for his support committee
📝 Writing him a letter
☎️ Calling the prison to demand medical treatment
💌 Joining us at our upcoming letter writing event on July 25, where we will be writing to Mumia and the Prarieland defendants. (RSVP at 🔗 in bio)

When we fight for our prisoners, we can free them all! ⛓️‍💥⛓️‍💥

 

NJ ICE Agent “El Gordo” Identified as Michael Smith of Bucks County PA

  • August 7, 2026 1:05 am

from The Toto Report

Last Fall a South Jersey ICE agent, nicknamed “El Gordo”, gained infamy for repeatedly harassing, kidnapping, and terrorizing immigrant communities in and around Lakewood, NJ.

El Gordo has now been verified to be Warrington PA (Bucks County) resident Michael “Mike” Smith.

El Gordo the ICE agent aka Mike Smith.

Just as his namesake implies, Smith lives an unremarkable and boring life when he is not breaking apart families and traumatizing NJ residents. Currently, Smith lives in Warrington, PA with his last known address being located on Palomino Drive. He is 41 years, is married, is a homeowner, has two children, and is a Disney Adult.

Previously, Smith lived in Camden County, NJ and still maintains ties to that area of South Jersey.

Smith and his family during a recent trip to Disney.

Smith has several identifying features including a dark closely trimmed beard, dark unkempt hair, wide set hips, and  several poorly done tattoos on his upper arms and chest.

Smith was employed as a U.S. Marshal for some time, however, it is not clear at the time of publishing if he is operating solely as an ICE agent or doing double duty while maintaining a position within the U.S. Marshals.

Smith’s FaceBook profile.

Mike Smith, you no longer have the protection of anonymity. Any sense of safety you had before is now over. The entire tri-state region is now aware of your identity and what you are.

Nothing for Snitches: For a Revolutionary Anti-Repression

  • July 20, 2026 1:36 am

Submission

“The paramount issue is the character and integrity of the movements we are building. We must confront, vilify, and destroy traitors at every opportunity; deal with them as the dehumanized vipers that they are; instill ‘the greater fear.’ The political terms must always be clear: discredit and destroy all traitors.” – Sekou Odinga, Kuwasi Balagoon, Judy Clark, David Gilbert, Silvia Baraldini

In the wake of draconian sentences handed down to the Prairieland 8, each ranging from 30 to 100 years, much has been said about the role of Trump’s NSPM-7 in establishing new repressive tools for criminalizing activism. Less discussed has been the critical role of cooperation—by at least 6 of the Prairieland defendants—in securing these devastating convictions. While the terrain of repression is ever changing, what remains evergreen is our most powerful tool of anti-repression: the principle of non-cooperation with the state.

This statement is a call for unity against the forces that would nip any nascent revolutionary movement in the bud by suffocating its most basic survival instinct with equivocation about the need to keep out snitches. From its inception, the DFW Support Committee has chosen to include the cooperator Meagan Morris in its collective prisoner support effort, against the objections and concerns of many in the movement. Despite this controversy, the “anti-repression collective” known as Fire Ant Movement Defense has lent DFW significant media support, helping them popularize the “Prairieland 9,” despite there only being 8 non-cooperating defendants.

On July 7, 2026, Fire Ant published an essay called “Manufactured Betrayal” in CrimethInc. which serves as a justification for their practice. The piece proposes the possibility of an “off-ramp” for snitches, focusing in particular on Meagan Morris as an example of someone who “restore[d] their commitment to struggle” after informing on their comrades. By publishing this snitch apologia—along with Eric King’s rebuttal “No Way Home”[1] four days later—CrimethInc. has presented the question of if snitches should be welcomed back into the movement as if it is a debate with two sides—it is not.

By taking this position, these formations are setting the precedent that people can cooperate with the state and continue to receive the support of collective movement resources. We can only assume that welcoming snitches back into the fold is a position that DFW, Fire Ant, and CrimethInc. will continue putting into practice.

Meanwhile, those of us serious about building a revolutionary movement must unite around a collective commitment to the principle of non-cooperation. As a political, strategic, and ethical practice that prioritizes the collective movement over the individual, it is our only hope of withstanding escalating repression. Compromising on this principle destroys our basic capacity for self-defense. There can be no revolution without solidarity, and solidarity has no meaning without a commitment to non-cooperation.

– The Facts of the Situation –

Fire Ant claims that it is a strategic decision to bring cooperators back into the movement:

“At this moment, thousands of inexperienced new participants are flooding  into the fight for liberation. We probably won’t be able to educate all of them before they find themselves in confrontations with the state. Some of them will experience intense repression designed to scare them into cooperating before they fully understand the political implications, the options available to them, or their basic rights. When they find themselves staring down the barrel of a gun, some may well say something they shouldn’t. If we immediately make permanent enemies of everyone who do so, this may further endanger others.”[2]

This, however, is a complete distortion of the facts of Morris’ betrayal, and is the exact opposite of a strategic decision in relation to cooperators. To address the dangerous position of allowing snitches to enter back into the movement that they have betrayed, we must first address how this is a complete minimization of the extent of Morris’ cooperation.

According to her statement to law enforcement, Morris joined the Socialist Rifle Association in 2020 and learned of the noise demo from a Signal chat she joined “years ago after attending a protest.”[3] In another Signal chat that members suspected of being infiltrated, she stated that “if there are 4 or more liberals in a chat, there’s likely law enforcement.” This demonstrates that not only had she been active in movement spaces long before the noise demo on July 4, 2025, but she was also well-acquainted with movement norms regarding antagonism towards informants and agents of the state.[4]

Furthermore, the information law enforcement credits Morris with sharing could only have come from someone known and trusted by others as a comrade. By weaponizing the information she had been privy to in order to save her own skin, she became a willing accomplice in the state’s effort to construct a conspiracy narrative, which relies on criminalizing our relationships to each other.

Contrary to Fire Ant’s narrative of cooperators caving under “repeated torture,” Morris waived her Miranda rights and began snitching on her comrades within hours of her arrest.[5] Law enforcement credits her with identifying Autumn Hill, who was her live-in partner at the time and had not yet been apprehended.[6] Hill was arrested the next day on July 5, 2025, during a raid on the home she and Morris shared.[7] Morris also helped identify Joy “Rowan” Gibson and Benjamin “Champagne” Song, who she claimed to have met online and invited to her home before driving the group to the noise demo.[8]

While Song was still on the run, Morris provided additional information which led to their capture. She helped locate Rebecca Morgan—who law enforcement suspected of transporting and sheltering Song—by naming Morgan’s workplace and linking her identity to her Signal handle. The next day, an FBI SWAT team raided Morgan’s home, where they apprehended Song and took them into custody.[9] However, Morris’ betrayal did not end there.

In a follow up interview Morris requested after her initial statement, she linked the gunshots fired on July 4, 2025 outside the Prairieland Detention Center to Song, claiming that the sound was consistent with a binary trigger he had on his rifle. She also suggested that the shooting was premeditated, and that Song had intended to use the demo as cover:

“I don’t think it was an accident. A person set things up to have cover… I felt disgust and betrayal.”

“My suspicion is Song wanted to do this the whole time. To shoot someone. Have us all there with our guns… [his] jackoff fantasy… and get away.”[10]

Not only did she help deliver Song into the hands of the state, she actively contributed to its narrative of “attempted murder” in an attempt to scapegoat her former comrade. Furthermore, her “admission” to the existence of a coordinated plan serves as the linchipn for the state’s conspiracy dragnet, which attempts to link a loose network of comrades, friends, partners, and unaffiliated individuals in a “coordinated ambush” involving the shooting of a law enforcement officer:

“One of the suspects, Meagan Morris, admitted this was a planned protest of the detention facility that was coordinated online [emphasis ours] with numerous subjects bringing weapons, firearms, body armor, ballistic helmets, face shields, tourniquets and extra magazines and ammunition.”[11]

There would have been no “conspiracy” if not for the cooperators constructing such according to the wishes of the state. Far from a minor misstep which can be reversed via an “off ramp,” Morris’ cooperation was an essential element in the state’s case against the Prairieland defendants, without which her comrades Joy “Rowan” Gibson, Benjamin “Champagne” Song, Rebecca Morgan, and her own partner Autumn Hill might still be free. The extent of the damage she did was only possible because she had been trusted by those engaging in action alongside her. We have nothing to gain and everything to lose by making that mistake again.

– DFW Commitee’s Role –

The DFW Support Committee has decided to include the cooperator Meagan Morris in the court and prisoner support efforts, alongside the non-cooperating defendants. The DFW Committee offered no clarity or transparency as to who had cooperated and when they did so until January of 2026, shortly before the trial began. All of this information, however, was already available in the criminal complaints and other court documents released publicly in the early stages of the case. That cooperation had happened was a known fact, as well as the identities of the cooperators, and what specifically they had done. When slogans like the “Free the Prairieland 19” began circulating from the DFW Support Committee while paperwork revealed that 6 had already cooperated, people were left to wonder whether or not the cooperating defendants were receiving support. Fire Ant entered early on into the effort to gather public support for this case, while themselves being silent about the extent of the cooperation, as well as which defendants were receiving support.

While these concerns continued to circulate as more informed parties attempted to address these formations that were generating support, a story began to circulate that Morris had admitted she had made a mistake, and had re-committed to her co-defendants. When the DFW Support Committee began to attempt to rehabilitate Morris’ betrayal just before the trial, no insight was offered into what her reversal actually entailed in practice. It is still the case, however, that Morris’ actions before this reversal had already stolen people’s lives and aided the construction of the legal fiction of the “Antifa cell” that the state will now use at its will against anyone. The damage cannot be undone.

– No Room for Cooperators –

We have demonstrated that what Morris did was beyond the pale, and that there is no strategic reason for the pro-cooperator position of Fire Ant in the Prairieland case. But what about beyond this case? Can we ever allow someone who has betrayed the solidarity of their comrades to return? Fire Ant offers this answer:

“We must ask ourselves what we can offer defendants who have erred but  have yet to decide whether to continue to assist the state. If we cannot offer those who have begun to cooperate any incentive to stop doing so, that all but ensures that once someone starts cooperating, they will become a permanent addition to the state’s arsenal against us.”[12]

The problem with this, however, is that once someone cooperates, they have already become a permanent part of the state’s arsenal against us. Whether through informing on co-defendants, complying with a grand jury subpoena, or helping police identify other targets in order to take the heat off themselves, cooperators hand the state information that can and will be weaponized against the movement indefinitely. Once this is done, deterrence or reversal is not a possibility. In the Prairieland case, the only way to mitigate the damage done by Meagan Morris’ cooperation was for her co-defendants to challenge her credibility in court. By maintaining unity with her and standing trial together, they were left with no avenue to discredit her statements, thus compromising their ability to defend themselves.

Furthermore, cooperation is rarely an isolated incident. When police succeed in pressuring someone to snitch even once, whether by interrogation or other means, that individual becomes their first stop any time they seek information. By levying threats against those who wish to keep their initial cooperation a secret, promising them individual leniency, or using some other form of leverage, the state is able to cultivate longtime informants embedded in movement spaces. Thus, if known cooperators attempt to return to the fold, we must block them from doing so at every step.[13] Not only have they demonstrated that they will betray comrades if given the chance, but we can never truly know if they seek to rejoin with the intent of informing further.

In the case of Prairieland, making a lesson out of Morris and communicating to the broader movement why there is no return from what she did would serve an important function in teaching newcomers that complete social exclusion and disconnection from collective movement resources is the expected minimum consequence for snitching. It would establish clear lines against cooperation and eliminate room for confusion. However, Fire Ant would rather we teach people the opposite lesson:

“We reject simplistic generalizations that frame all mistakes as unforgivable, rendering it impossible to create an off-ramp [emphasis ours] for those who have previously cooperated with the state to change course, make amends, and restore their commitment to struggle.”[14]

Instead of offering clarity, the idea of an “off ramp” opens the door to endless ambiguity and hairsplitting around what constitutes a redeemable snitch. It teaches potential revolutionaries that there is a way back into our movement for those who have decided to save themselves by giving the state the means to take away the lives of other people. It undermines our power to enforce any standards and creates an incentive for opportunists to play both sides. Self-interested people could exploit the movement for their own gain, all the while being easy targets for future pressure by the state. Accommodating such elements would only weaken our movement by cultivating an individualistic logic of cowardice and self-preservation, leaving it defenseless against escalating state repression.

Soliciting cooperation is in fact one of the most powerful weapons the state can use against us, because it undermines the very fabric of solidarity that holds revolutionary movements together. We must prepare all partisans to expect this kind of pressure, and arm them with the knowledge that the only way to protect ourselves and each other is to remain silent and insist on speaking to a lawyer. When we are approached by law enforcement for information, we must immediately inform others publicly of what occurred and what the police are inquiring about, while making clear that we remained silent. When someone fails to do this, they cast suspicion on themselves if the incident is later discovered through court documents or other means, contributing to a destructive atmosphere of paranoia. The only way to protect ourselves against such paranoia is through a consistent practice of transparency and expelling any known cooperators in our midst.

Furthermore, we must teach people to expect that if they choose to join the struggle, jail and prison will always be a possibility. We recognize that what some activists call “torture” is simply the routinized violence of jail, and those who wish to join a revolutionary movement must steel themselves to withstand those conditions, and worse treatment, as Frantz Fanon helped revolutionaries do in the past.[15] Any breath wasted on justifying the betrayal of snitches takes our attention away from those prisoners who demonstrate behavior exemplary of a revolutionary in refusing to cooperate. With this comes an understanding of the contempt with which snitches are treated inside prison, and that those who cooperate jeopardize their own safety behind bars as well as the credibility of a revolutionary movement in the eyes of other prisoners. If we are seen as a movement that provides support to snitches, then we will be rightfully treated as enemies by the average prisoner.

Thus, where Fire Ant sees cooperation as an inevitability to which we must accommodate ourselves, we understand that a revolutionary movement must be capable of enforcing a hard line of non-cooperation at every turn.

– Revolutionary Anti-Repression –

This leads us to the question of the role of anti-repression work in the development of a revolutionary movement. We can turn this attack from the state into an opportunity to unite strategically along the political practice of non-cooperation and antagonism to the state and capital. Maintaining the consistency of non-cooperation in practice means that the work of organizing against repression must be conscious of its political character. The logic of the “off-ramp” that Fire Ant proposes is not that of building a revolutionary movement, but of a project of service provision to potential consumers.

Revolutionary anti-repression will not be for everyone. If anyone cooperates, they must receive no support, and be publicly made known to others. In order for anti-repression efforts to be revolutionary, they must be integrated into the effort of building a revolutionary movement. This entails identifying and engaging with cases of repression for political activity and providing support for those defendants. Support can provide material support such as funds for defense, as well as political, by helping coordinate defenses along collective movement principles. Defendants will need to be advised on how to assemble support committees, on the dynamics inside jails and prisons they should understand, and on how the carceral institutions they are engaging with function. This will demonstrate to defendants that revolutionaries can be trusted, and that solidarity is rewarded with solidarity. They will know that they receive this support because they resist becoming a tool of the state. In doing so, they become examples to others who we inform about this case, and to other prisoners inside.

Every political prisoner is a potential comrade. Revolutionary anti-repression must exist in order for defendants to know what their case means practically to the movement supporting them. They must know how the outcome of their case could set a precedent that will affect many others. This must inform the defense strategy that they choose to take. Lawyers cannot be expected to be the source of political clarity. Defendants that work in a tradition of revolutionary anti-repression need to be directly supported enough by revolutionaries to direct their legal representatives to construct legal strategy to accommodate the collective needs of the revolutionary movement. This means that the movement must be organized such that its political lines know how to enhance the efficacy of a defense’s strategy.

These points of tactical engagement in revolutionary anti-repression are at the level of dealing with an active case. However, this work cannot be confined to the exigencies of the courtroom, forced to always operate on the terms set by the state. This is what always keeps us on the back foot, unable to maintain any firm position in developing our forces. A defensive position can be made advantageous if an offensive strategy can be developed within the means of defense. What is learned from engaging in and studying the changing landscape of repression will allow us to develop practices of struggle that lead to the development of offensive capabilities that outmaneuver state repression. We must learn how to turn the weight of the leviathan against itself.

The fact that we are experiencing an influx of newcomers into the movement makes it all the more important that we must hold clear and unambiguous lines around snitching to eliminate any room for confusion. In doing so, we build a movement based on who demonstrates the most potential to become committed and trustworthy revolutionaries, if they are not already. That means prioritizing the interests of those who are able to remain steadfast in non-cooperation with their comrades, and having no qualms of casting those aside who cannot. We have no need for them or their accomplices in this treachery. Simply put, we will find tougher people.

For these comrades who will make up the truly revolutionary struggle, we cannot afford to be ambiguous or cowardly. We will better learn what we must build together to outlast this current wave of repression by preparing ourselves to engage in and enforce non-cooperation wherever we must. There will be cooperators left to fend for themselves in prison, but their own actions have already abandoned the struggle. That is the choice they have made and which has rendered us free of any responsibility to them. We make this choice ourselves because we recognize that the cost of compromise is much higher.

Revolutionary anti-repression cannot end with the support of direct cases of political repression. It begins here in our context, but the objective of state repression is to isolate layers of the population engaged in political activity from the potential mass base that could also become an organized force against the state. The state knows that the conditions for its own existence are those of the antagonistic social relations of capital. They reproduce this antagonism in order to produce capital, and in order to make that process stable, they expand the policing and carceral apparatus to keep the proletarians in line that their society produces, exploits, and oppresses.

Our era of mass uprisings against the police amongst racialized proletarians has shown that this population has revolutionary potential, but the failure of these uprisings to advance further also demonstrates that contradictions exist amongst those very proletarians that are barriers to their development into an organized social force, thus rendering them vulnerable to the eventual crackdowns by the state. These uprisings have emerged amongst specific populations and extended beyond them because of the history of the development of this repressive apparatus against both political movements and the activity of de-politicized layers of these classes. As such, it has created a value of non-cooperation that exists as an ideal among criminalized segments of the racialized proletariat.

The instinct towards a liberal appeal—forgiveness by the Democratic Party, individual redemption over collective resistance—and away from one of the most basic codes of honor amongst those engaged in illegality, reveals a politics oriented towards individualism, and a composition influenced by middle class values whose intended audience are those who share the same, and not those surviving through proletarian criminality. Needless to say, we are not making an appeal to victimhood or proposing a posture of deference to all who are victimized by capital and the state. We are saying that the normalization of snitches would only amplify the effects of the counterinsurgency that is already devastating radical movements, as well as the criminalized segments of the proletariat where we see an expression of latent revolutionary potential. This culture and strategy of non-cooperation has emerged because it is necessary for the survival of formations that are antagonistic to the state. As comrades have recently said, “the codes revolutionaries live by exist to keep a movement alive long enough to find possibilities of emancipatory horizons.”[16] The development and victory of our revolutionary forces depend upon our solidarity.

— Communists and Anarchists for Revolutionary Anti-Repression

Endnotes:
[1] https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/eric-king-no-way-home-an-anarchist-ex-prisoner-s-response-to-fire-ant-movement-defense
[2] https://crimethinc.com/2026/07/07/manufactured-betrayal-a-statement-from-fire-ant-movement-defense-on-solidarity-and-betrayal-in-the-prairieland-trials
[3] page 5: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/gov.uscourts.txnd_.406323.1.0.pdf)
[4] https://prairielanddefendants.com/court-notes/march-4th-federal-trial-day-8/#witness-lynette-sharp-cooperating-witness-in-handcuffs-and-striped-jumpsuit
[5] https://prairielanddefendants.com/court-notes/march-4th-federal-trial-day-8/#witness-lynette-sharp-cooperating-witness-in-handcuffs-and-striped-jumpsuit
[6] page 2: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Cofer_Luster_motion-to-exclude-meagans-testimony_2026-01-22.pdf
[7] https://yournews.com/2026/01/21/6233321/two-transgender-defendants-in-texas-ice-protest-case-describe-misgendering/
[8] page 6: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/gov.uscourts.txnd_.406323.1.0.pdf
[9] page 21: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/complaint-morgan.pdf
[10] https://prairielanddefendants.com/court-notes/march-4th-federal-trial-day-8/#witness-lynette-sharp-cooperating-witness-in-handcuffs-and-striped-jumpsuit
[11] page 25: https://prairielanddefendants.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/JohnsonCounty_Probable_Cause_Affidavit.pdf
[12] https://crimethinc.com/2026/07/07/manufactured-betrayal-a-statement-from-fire-ant-movement-defense-on-solidarity-and-betrayal-in-the-prairieland-trials
[13] See the case of Suzie Savoie in the Green Scare wave of repression and successive attempts that had to be made to continually remove her from related spaces after her cooperation: https://anarchistagency.com/an-anti-snitch-oral-history-of-the-seattle-wto-protests/
https://itsgoingdown.org/snitch-suzie-savoie-swarmed-and-deplatformed-in-southern-oregon/
[14] https://crimethinc.com/2026/07/07/manufactured-betrayal-a-statement-from-fire-ant-movement-defense-on-solidarity-and-betrayal-in-the-prairieland-trials
[15] For information of Frantz Fanon’s work in helping prepare revolutionary combatants for withstanding torture, see: https://www.parapraxismagazine.com/articles/fanons-revolutionary-gaze
[16] https://freepeppyandkrystal.noblogs.org/in-defense-of-dignity/

In Contempt #8: State Terror in Prairieland, Minneapolis, Michigan, & Elsewhere, Repression Breeds Resistance…But Only If We Try!

  • July 4, 2026 1:44 am

from In Contempt

[This post only contains information relevant to Philadelphia and the surrounding area, to read the entire article follow the above link.]

Other Detention Center Updates

DHS plans on largely scrapping the warehouse detention center boondoggle, seeking to offload buildings purchased earlier this year in Romulus, Michigan; Social Circle, Georgia; Flowery Branch, Georgia; Hamburg, Pennsylvania; Tremont, Pennsylvania; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Roxbury, New Jersey. Over $700 million was spent on these 7 warehouses, but faced opposition in the streets and town halls meetings from neighbors who do not want concentration camps in their area. Check for updates on detention center and warehouse purchases at Project Saltbox’s tracker: https://datastudio.google.com/u/0/reporting/b0228ccb-6fcf-4ab6-9d9b-41dd53292ec6/page/p_uy4yssvm0d.

George Floyd Uprising Prisoners

As far as we know, these are the prisoner still incarcarated from the George Floyd Uprisings:

Christopher Tindal -509
USP Canaan
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 300
Waymart, PA 18472

David Elmakayes -066
USP Lee
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 305
Jonesville, VA 24263

Smart Communications/PADOC
Khalif Miller
SCI Forest
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

For more ways to support those in prison and those who have since released, visit https://uprisingsupport.org/

As always, a letter-writing zine for the 2020 Uprising prisoners is available from with whatever weapons distro:

uprising-support-6-26-imposedDownload

Media

A revised edition of anarchist and anti-imperialist political prisoner Casey Goonan’s book, Lines in the Sand: Writings on the Gaza Solidarity Encampment & Campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley from an Anarchist Prisoner of War is available to read. Each chapter is also available as a zine to print and share.

Write to Casey:

Casey Goonan -511
FCI Allenwood Medium
P.O. Box 2000
White Deer, PA 17887

Dwayne “Bim” Staats published an article at Solitary Watch, “Voices from Solitary: When Toxic Fumes Turned My Solitary Cell into a Death Trap.” Bim is currently incarcerated at the Delaware supermax facility James T. Vaughn Correctional Center. Bim has served 22 years of a life sentence, and has spent 17 years in solitary confinement in prisons across Pennsylvania and Delaware. In the following piece, Bim recounts a situation in which he and other men were trapped in an isolation unit with no ventilation, and with the air vents spewing noxious gas. While Bim’s attempts to find out the cause of the gas hit dead ends, the symptoms he describes the men experiencing notably mirror those of carbon monoxide poisoning, a medical emergency so potentially deadly that most states require carbon monoxide detectors in homes and buildings. The environmental and medical hazards commonly found in prisons and jails are well-documented, supported by the work of researchers, grassroots organizers, and other incarcerated writers. Bim is on Instagram @_bim_21 and YouTube. He can be emailed on GettingOut by adding him as a contact using his name “Dwayne Staats” and number “467005,” or reached by mail:

Dwayne Staats 467005
Delaware DOC – 1101
PO Box 96777
Las Vegas, NV 89193.

 

Mischievous Evening Jaunt

  • July 4, 2026 1:29 am

from Unravel

Recently during a warm evening jaunt we sabotaged an automated license plate reader, an indigo bike station, some construction machinery, and painted over or disabled around 20 camera.

We want to highlight some of the tools we used that we think are underappreciated in radical circles. A handheld garden sprayer filled with watered down paint was used to paint a lot of the out of reach cameras. It’s smaller, lighter, and easier to use than a fire extinguisher. The license plate reader, other cameras, and the bike station were sabotaged using wire cutters. Exposed wires were snipped and hand tools opened panels when wires were inside cabinets or conduits.

We had an awesome time and enjoyed a fabulous post-crime spree glow in the days that followed!

Philly June 11 Posters

  • June 15, 2026 1:21 am

Submission
Posters were wheatpasted in different neighborhoods around Philly in solidarity with anarchist and political prisoners. Congratulations to Mujera Lung’aho on your release! We were going to put up posters about you too but you’re already free.
Prisoners to the street!
Free them all!




Pivotal Piracy: ORCA Closing Party

  • June 7, 2026 1:35 am

from O.R.C.A.

🏴‍☠️Pivotal Piracy🏴‍☠️
🫍O.R.C.A. Closing Party🫍

🫍June 12
🪸7pm – 12am
🫍O.R.C.A. (email orca.philly@protonmail.com for address)

Come celebrate two and a half years of aquatic anarchy as we send the ship off! O.R.C.A. is closing and we invite you to come say goodbye and carry away treasures from the space. (Make transport plans if you want to take anything big.)

Expect music, snacks, drinks, and good vibes. This is our last event.
💙👋🏴

O.R.C.A. Closing Statement

  • June 4, 2026 1:33 am

from O.R.C.A.

TDLR: ORCA is closing; goodbye party 6/12 7pm-12am

O.R.C.A. is closing. This wasn’t an easy decision, but given a combination of factors–personal capacity, building frustration, and lack of logistical+financial support–running the space is no longer sustainable for us and we don’t want to continue this project. We are glad to have helped create an anarchist space for people to meet and learn from each other and encounter anti-authoritarian ideas. Many anarchist spaces often skew white and punk; it was important to us that O.R.C.A. did not fall into this pattern. Over the last 2.5 years, we’ve prioritized hosting de-colonial, black liberation, and internationally-oriented events. Shout out to anyone who has booked or facilitated an event! We couldn’t have done it without you.

O.R.C.A. opened during an upsurge in the Palestinian liberation movement, and was initially intended to meet a need for a public non-commercial space where people could find each other and engage with anarchism. We knew of an empty room in a building we were familiar with, and we decided to squat it for as long as we could. Our short time squatting revealed to us that the space was fulfilling a need and when squatting became untenable we decided to rent a room. While O.R.C.A. will not continue, the need for non-commercial, explicitly anti-authoritarian political spaces remains, and we encourage anyone with the desire and capacity to open other spaces.

It’s worth addressing some of the challenges that went along with this project and influenced our decision to close. From the beginning, a 2-3 person collective was not large enough to sustain a space like this. It was difficult to find dedicated people who had the capacity and availability to seriously contribute to O.R.C.A., an unsurprising reality in the face of the increasing misery of today. Relatedly, our own capacities, desires, and commitments have changed since 2023. We encourage anyone starting this kind of project to remember that people and circumstances change, and to prepare accordingly.

If we want spaces like O.R.C.A. to exist, we need community buy-in. That can look like attending or throwing events, donating supplies, helping with workdays, but it also needs to include financial support. We often ended up paying rent with the fruits of our own 👠marginalized labor🏴‍☠️. Despite never charging to use the space or attend events, behind the scenes, we’ve always been concerned about having the money to keep the lights on.

It certainly didn’t help that the building was becoming more and more inaccessible. We knew when we opened O.R.C.A. that the building was not nearly as accessible as we would have liked, and the new locks, cameras, and the threat of fees from building management have only added to our discouragement.

To the volunteers–open hours crew, friends who’ve jumped in when we’ve needed it, anyone who has thrown us some money–thank you so much!

We made things work! Despite the limitations of the space–not very physically accessible, cold in the winter and hot in the summer, and three busy people running things–almost all of our programs were very well attended. On many occasions we filled every couch, folding chair, bench, and extra floor space with friends, comrades, and strangers alike. We want to celebrate the last 2.5 years of aquatic anarchy! Help us send this ship off (and take home all of our treasures*) June 12th.

Love and anarchy,

O.R.C.A.

*Books, zines, couches, rugs, chairs, lamps, paint, a projector, a printer, a well-decorated mini fridge, and so many other items.

In Contempt #7: Marius Is Free, June 11 Solidarity Without End (& J11 Interview), Daniela’s Trial Statement, International May Day Resistance & Repression…

  • June 1, 2026 1:14 am

from In Contempt

[This post only contains information relevant to Philadelphia and the surrounding area, to read the entire article follow the above link.]

Our practice of solidarity is not just one of obligation, but of recognition that an ever-expanding and never-ending solidarity is part of the path to all of our freedom. Because we know ourselves to be more connected, stronger, and ultimately more capable when it is always a part of what guides us. We know there is no fixed limit or end, and the need for solidarity will always be there. We know that we find richness in the ways that it deepens our movements and selves.

–– June 11 2026: Solidarity Without End

Repression breeds resistance, but only if we try…. The struggle continues. This month marks 6 years since the state murder of George Floyd and the nationwide uprising that still looms on the horizon of what’s possible. June 11 returns and solidarity is endless. Marius is free! And new long-term anarchist prisoners remain. We return with another round-up of updates and calls to action about political prisoners, repression of revolutionaries, and rebellions behind bars. Fire to the prisons!

As always, we welcome submissions and international contributions––hit up in_contempt @ autistici . org.

A zine and pamphlet of this column will be available in the coming days to print and share with friends, comrades, and loved ones behind bars.

June 11th International Day of Solidarity with Marius Mason & All Long-Term Anarchist Prisoners

June 11 2026 Call to Action: Solidarity Without End

PRISONER UPDATES

Casey Goonan, a dedicated community educator, writer, distroist, and printer who has lived a life committed to struggles for liberation was arrested in June of 2024 for actions, including the arson of a UC Berkeley Police vehicle, in response to the University’s treatment of student protesters for Palestine. In September of 2025, Casey was sentenced to 19 years in prison. Casey had been in holdover at FCI Mendota, awaiting their permanent placement. Life at FCI Mendota was uncertain and challenging, as they were denied access to sufficient medical care to manage their diabetes, and had lived without personal property, stimulating programs or much time outside their cell. In February 2026, Casey was finally transferred to FCI Allenwood in Northern Pennsylvania. This placement might be temporary, but for the time being they have better medical care, phone access, time out of their cell and time in the library. They are working on a habeas petition with another legal team in order to appeal their conviction and sentencing.

Political Prisoners / POWs

Casey Goonan

An update from Casey Goonan––”Lockdowns and a Birthday”:

After dealing with a tough month or two of extended of unit-wide lockdowns, establishing a reliable program has been difficult, but Casey reports doing very well! Lockdowns still happen sporadically with little explanation so developing a daily rhythm has been a challenge. They have made a lot of friends on the unit though and for Casey’s birthday, all the guys in their car and few others quietly passed around a birthday card to sign. And to cap it off, somebody made a bangin’ spread of nachos for the occasion.

Mail and calls

Snail mail has been extremely slow and sporadic through the mailroom. They only are getting mail at least a month later than it’s postmark, which is extra frustrating because…

Casey recently received a 6 month revocation of their calling privileges and lost 27 days of good time credits as punishment for a 3-way call with their mom and brother that they didn’t even know was against the rules. So for the time being, email via Corrlinks or snail mail is the only way to talk to them.

To revisit some mail basics:
– Leave big margins on your letters. Casey only receives a black and white hardcopy scan of letters and as of yet the feds haven’t mastered using a scanner or just don’t care. Anything near the edges of the page gets cut off.
– Mail is surveilled and often pieces are outright blocked. Casey has heightened restrictions and scrutiny due to their classification and charges. Write accordingly. Know as well that some mail just doesn’t make it through.

Books

You can see Casey’s booklist for purchase via their bookshop registry here:
https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

At the moment we are asking for people to please stick to the books on this list due to Caseys space concerns. Thank you to everyone who has sent Casey books!

Birthday fundraiser

For Casey’s birthday we were able to raise $840 so far for Lil Nicky, their cellie and friend. Let’s double that!

To support Lil Nicky, funds can be sent by Venmo labeled as “Little Nicky” to @juliepetersonG

Lil Nicky has been a great friend, and lifesaver in the yard on numerous occasions. Slated to go home in 15 months to Philly, he will be reuniting with his 13 year old son. Also, Lil Nicky is deaf and needs immediate support to buy his own hearing aids and batteries  (Yeah, the prison doesn’t supply those!).

With next to no income from a prison job, it is extremely hard to purchase supplies for your disabilities not to mention save for going home. Without support, re-entry is an extension of the isolation of incarceration, leaving just-released people in an extremely vulnerable position and often in harms way.

Lil Nicky has been there for Casey and Casey is looking to repay the favor.

Together they spend hours on lockdowns discussing sports and the state of the world. Lil Nicky is continually motivating Casey to stay focused on their goals as an abolitionist and their prisoner support work, now from the inside.

Again, to kick down, Venmo @juliepetersonG with the note “Lil Nicky.”

Love and struggle,
CSC

email: cscommittee@proton.me
insta: @freecaseynow
website: https://freecaseynow.noblogs.org/
general fundraiser: https://chuffed.org/project/supportcasey
book wishlist: https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

Last month, Casey shared a book of their writings pre-sentencing from Santa Rita Jail on Palestine solidarity, anarchism and anti-imperialism, reflections on tactics and strategies in the movement, and personal experiences from the campus flood for the liberation of Gaza––Lines in the Sand: Writings on the Gaza Solidarity Encampment & Campus Flood at U.C. Berkeley from an Anarchist Prisoner of War. 

The book is available to read in full online and zines of each chapter are also available to print and share.

Write to Casey:

Casey Goonan #24611-511
FCI Allenwood Medium
Federal Correctional Institution
P.O. Box 2000
White Deer, PA 17887

George Floyd Uprising Prisoners

As far as we know, the current George Floyd Uprising prisoners are:

David Elmakayes -066
USP Lee
U.S. Penitentiary
P.O. Box 305
Jonesville, VA 24263

Smart Communications/PADOC
Khalif Miller
SCI Forest
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

Birthdays

Khalif Miller

Birthday: June 10, 1995

Khalif Miller is a political prisoner incarcerated for his participation in the George Floyd uprising in Philadelphia. One of several who faced federal charges, Khalif was sentenced to five years in federal prison; he has since completed his federal sentence, but is now being held at SCI Forest Pennsylvania state prison for parole violations for an earlier unrelated case. In March 2026, Khalif was denied parole for another year. Check out his Instagram page and his online fundraiser.

Khalif can receive letters and photos at this mailing address:

Smart Communications / PA DOC
Khalif Miller /
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

As PADOC is a digital mail scanning state, please use single sided letters when sending to this Florida address. Books and zines must be sent to: Khalif Miller / 268 Bricker Road / Bellefonte, PA 16823-1667. You can also message Khalif electronically using ConnectNetwork.com – search PADOC for Khalif Miller or his ID QQ9287.

Jarreau “Ruk” Ayers

Birthday: June 15, 1981

Ayers grew up in Wilmington, Delaware, and was serving a life sentence when he was indicted—along with sixteen others—for his alleged involvement in the uprising at James T. Vaughn Correctional Center in Delaware in February 2017. Once convicted, he was transferred to the Pennsylvania prison system to serve his time. Ayers was released to general population in March 2024 after spending nearly 19 years in solitary confinement. Ayers is a father, pro-se litigator, co-author of Vaughn 17 Speaks, and co-founder of Rebellious Hearts, which is a movement for liberation built upon revolutionary, matriarchal, abolitionist, and Black power principles. You can follow Ayers on Instagram at @remember_ur_krown

Smart Communications / PA DOC
Jarreau Ayers – NS9994
PO Box 33028
St. Petersburg, FL 33733

As PADOC is a digital mail scanning state, please use single sided letters when sending to this Florida address. Books and zines must be sent to: Jarreau Ayers – NS9994 / 268 Bricker Road / Bellefonte, PA 16823-1667. You can also message Khalif electronically using ConnectNetwork.com – search PADOC for Jarreau Ayers or his ID NS9994.

Update 5/15/26- Casey Goonan Support Committee

  • May 17, 2026 1:03 am

from Anarchist Black Cross Federation

Lockdowns and a birthday

After dealing with a tough month or two of extended of unit-wide lockdowns, establishing a reliable program has been difficult, but Casey reports doing very well! Lockdowns still happen sporadically with little explanation so developing a daily rhythm has been a challenge. They have made a lot of friends on the unit though and for Casey’s birthday, all the guys in their car and few others quietly passed around a birthday card to sign. And to cap it off, somebody made a bangin’ spread of nachos for the occasion.

Mail and calls
Snail mail has been extremely slow and sporadic through the mailroom. They only are getting mail at least a month later than it’s postmark, which is extra frustrating because…

Casey recently received a 6 month revocation of their calling privileges and lost 27 days of good time credits as punishment for a 3-way call with their mom and brother that they didn’t even know was against the rules. So for the time being, email via Corrlinks or snail mail is the only way to talk to them.

To revisit some mail basics:
– Leave big margins on your letters. Casey only receives a black and white hardcopy scan of letters and as of yet the feds haven’t mastered using a scanner or just don’t care. Anything near the edges of the page gets cut off.
– Mail is surveilled and often pieces are outright blocked. Casey has heightened restrictions and scrutiny due to their classification and charges. Write accordingly. Know as well that some mail just doesn’t make it through.

Books
You can see Casey’s booklist for purchase via their bookshop registry here:
https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

At the moment we are asking for people to please stick to the books on this list due to Caseys space concerns. Thank you to everyone who has sent Casey books!

Birthday fundraiser
For Casey’s birthday we were able to raise $840 so far for Lil Nicky, their cellie and friend. Let’s double that!

To support Lil Nicky, funds can be sent by Venmo labeled as “Little Nicky” to @juliepetersonG

Lil Nicky has been a great friend, and lifesaver in the yard on numerous occasions. Slated to go home in 15 months to Philly, he will be reuniting with his 13 year old son. Also, Lil Nicky is deaf and needs immediate support to buy his own hearing aids and batteries  (Yeah, the prison doesn’t supply those!).

With next to no income from a prison job, it is extremely hard to purchase supplies for your disabilities not to mention save for going home. Without support, re-entry is an extension of the isolation of incarceration, leaving just-released people in an extremely vulnerable position and often in harms way.

Lil Nicky has been there for Casey and Casey is looking to repay the favor.

Together they spend hours on lockdowns discussing sports and the state of the world. Lil Nicky is continually motivating Casey to stay focused on their goals as an abolitionist and their prisoner support work, now from the inside.

Again, to kick down, Venmo @juliepetersonG with the note “Lil Nicky.”

Love and struggle,
CSC

email: cscommittee@proton.me
insta: @freecaseynow
website: https://freecaseynow.noblogs.org/
general fundraiser: https://chuffed.org/project/supportcasey
book wishlist: https://bookshop.org/wishlists/56b98684a2c55d72748aa7fae7dfa536217a1b5f

Swarthmore College cleaning up ‘hundreds’ of anti-Israel vandalism messages

  • May 14, 2026 1:38 am

from mainstream media

“Black Anarchist” Film Screening and Fundraiser

  • May 9, 2026 1:12 am

from O.R.C.A.

May 16 · 5:00–8:30 PM

Email for address: orca.philly@protonmail.com

Join us for a work-in-progress screening of an untitled narrative feature.

A brief conversation will precede the film, reflecting on the themes and questions that inspired it, and on the process of making a self-funded work.

Afterward, experience a slow cinema work moving through the mundane, and the quiet but constant weight of what’s at stake.

Filmmaker introduction before the screening.

Post-film gathering at a second location.

Donations will support finishing funds for the film, with a portion going to O.R.C.A.

Film synopsis: Figures pass through a Los Angeles house, engaged in routine preparation for something imminent but never arriving. Time stretches and skips. The outside world encroaches, and the condition of blackness endures.

Coordinated poster action

  • May 7, 2026 1:54 am

Submission

Last weekend, crews of anarchists put up hundreds of anti-tech posters across the city. This was an experiment in coordinating across geography between multiple affinity groups and part of our focus on anti-tech agitation. We aspire to keep developing this coordination capacity for more combative action.



The Attack on Ghost Robotics Zine PDF

  • May 7, 2026 1:04 am

Submission

[PDF]

New zine from here (https://daygloayhole.gumroad.com/l/Norobotics) that includes a comic and also communiques and write ups on the fight against Ghost Robotics. The comic was originally published in color on the author’s patreon and is available there for free without the communiques and write ups. Some quotes from the author’s websites are included below so potential readers have an idea of what the zine is about.

“A 9 page printable B&W zine combining my comic about anarchist attacks on Ghost Robotics in Philly, as well as a series of summations and reportbacks combined in the zine The Struggle Against Ghost Robotics. I am the creator or the comic, but I’m not the creator of the reportbacks or the zine that combines them.”

“I was excited to do more of these kinds of comics. I realized I rarely do straight up “pro anarchism” comics. But these kinds of actions are happening all over the country all the time and I don’t see them talked about much despite this aspect of struggle being really important to me. That said, it feels hard writing this as a bunch of comrades have been convicted in Texas.
…
For more info on these Ghost Robotics actions, here’s the link to one of the zines I read. There were a few other actions and demos that happened around getting Ghost Robotics out of UPenn, including people running up on the dean’s house. So if you’re curious to get a sense of the larger campaign, there’s a lot more to find out. Apparently Ghost Robotics has to reveal their new address when they turn in their next quarterly report…which is a fact I learned on the internet.”