RAM Philly Statement on ‘What Will Bring About Our Freedom’ Presentation

from Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement

RAM Philly Statement on 'What Will Bring About Our Freedom' Presentation

On August 31st, in so called Illinois, in the tradition of Black August revolutionary learning and growth, RAM members facilitated “What will bring about our freedom”, a discussion/workshop on Black anarchism that we plan to replicate across the country.

Our discussion drew on the work of Zoe Samudzi, William C. Anderson, Russell Maroon Shoatz, Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin, Kuwasi Balagoon and Ashanti Alston in addition to the experiences of many of the black folks taking part in the discussion.

Major discussion points included the need for a anarchist movement that does not center whiteness, how traditions of resistance against the state have been part of the black freedom tradition far before the first anarchist arrived to the United States and the need for black anarchist collectives to emerge.

We are hopeful about the future. We will burn down the American plantation. In the tradition of our ancestors and martyrs, we will continue to fight for our liberation.

If you are interested in bringing this workshop to your community, please contact us at phillyram@riseup.com

Wilmington, DE: #BurnDay Banner Drop Against Biden’s Crime Bill

from It’s Going Down

We heard the call to action by Jailhouse Lawyers Speak!

From the birth state of the Crime Bill written by 1994 Senator Joe Biden, we wholeheartedly say burn the crime bill and reject the racist institution of the criminal justice system. Today as the #Vaughn17 hero’s Jarreau Ayers and Dwayne Staats faced their oppressors and “Starred into the eyes of the system and didn’t flinch,” ( quote from Jarreau Ayers on 9/13/2019), we stand in solidarity with all those who have suffered under mass incarceration due to this crime bill.

All power to the people!
Coalition of Supporters to Free the #Vaughn17

Monday, Sept 23rd: Letter-writing for anarchist hacker Jeremy Hammond

from Philly ABC

We are at it once again sending some love to punitively locked up for their political beliefs and facing additional repression while inside for the same reason.

When: Monday, September 23rd, 6:30-8:30pm
Where: A-Space, 4722 Baltimore Ave.

Bring only yourself or friends and comrades. All letter-writing supplies and snacks are provided.

Jeremy Hammond is an anarchist computer hacker serving 10 years for leaking the personal information of 860,000 customers of private intelligence firm Strategic Forecasting (Stratfor) through the whistle-blowing website Wikileaks. This information revealed that Stratfor spies on activists, among others, at the behest of corporations and the U.S. government.

Almost to the end of his sentence at a federal prison, in August 2019, Jeremy was summoned to appear before a grand jury in the Eastern District of Virginia and transferred to a Virginia jail where he now faces up to an additional 18 months for contempt by refusing to testify. It is believed to be the same grand jury that is currently imprisoning Chelsea Manning for bravely refusing to testify. Like grand jury resisters before him, Jeremy firmly believes that grand juries are repressive tools of the government, used to investigate and intimidate activist communities and are abused by prosecutors to gain access to intelligence to which they are not entitled. The U.S. government’s blatant abuse of the grand jury process in this case continues to be a clear pattern of targeting, isolating and punishing outspoken truth-tellers and activists.

Jeremy has no intention of cooperating with this, or any other, grand jury he may be called in front of. Simply by calling him in front of this grand jury, the government has already added a minimum of nine months to his sentence by removing him from a program he was participating in at the federal prison he was serving his sentence at. His prison release date was projected to come around mid-December 2019, but because of his removal from the program and the summons to the grand jury his time incarcerated could be extended by over two years.

See bit.ly/5easyactions for all the information you need about writing to Jeremy including rules of what is acceptable to send through the mail.

We will also send birthday cards to political prisoners with birthdays in October: Skelly Stafford (the 2nd), Jamil Al-Amin (the 3rd), David Gilbert (the 5th), Malik Bey (the 8th), Jalil Muntaqim (the 17th), and Ed Poindexter (the 31st).

Uprising at George W. Hill Correctional Center, Pennsylvania

from Perilous Chronicle

George W. Hill Correctional Facility, Thornton, Pennsylvania
September 2, 2019

According to the Daily Times, a guard at George W. Hill Correctional Facility reported a “full-blown riot” at the facility on Monday.

“I’ve been there almost 20 years and it was the worst experience I’ve ever seen in my life working at Delaware County prison,” said another guard. “It was horrible. It was unsafe.”

“Two entire blocks refused to lock in,” the guard stated.

In response to prisoners refusing to lock down, guards entered the block in an effort to show willingness to use force.

Prisoners responded by covering their faces with ripped bed sheets and wielding shoes against the guards. When it became clear the prisoners were not going to comply, the guards retreated and a CERT team was called in to respond to the uprising.

The CERT team was armed with pepper ball guns and reportedly shot over 25 prisoners. Prisoners were also hit with batons.

In total the standoff lasted about an hour.

The uprising reportedly started on a day when the air-conditioning units were not functioning properly in the prison.

A statement from a spokesperson for GEO Group, the private company that operates the facility, stated, “Staff responded to a small group of disruptive inmates that were repeatedly non-compliant,” the spokesperson said. “All policies and procedures were implemented to maintain the safety for the staff and inmates until the issue was resolved.”

An interior report of the incident indicated that a call came in at 3 p.m. Monday saying that two pods had refused to lock in. About 20 officers responded and successfully got one of the pods to lock down. The other pod of approximately 44 inmates refused orders to lock down.

The report indicates the last staff member out of the block dispersed MK-9 pepper spray into the area before exiting. Further attempts to communicate with the inmates in the block were unsuccessful.

There were still 26 inmates refusing to comply when the CERT team entered and used pepper balls in an effort to regain control of the pod. Guards ordered prisoners to lie down on the ground but only half complied, according to the report.

“It just turned into an all-out war,” said one guard who accompanied the CERT team, “They were not going down without a fight. It was unbelievably scary … It was like something you see out of TV.”

The remaining 13 inmates were eventually subdued and handcuffed. A search of the pod’s dayroom later uncovered a makeshift knife, according to the report.

One guard said in a statement,“This was just the beginning. Now they’re prepared. They tested us and now they’re going to do it again, because they know we’re short staffed. I’ve been there long enough and I’ve seen enough to know that will happen. A CO is going to die.”

Citations:

Guard says staff put down ‘full-blown riot’ at Delco prison Monday“, Daily Times, September 4, 2016.

Article published: 9/12/19

USA: Property Destruction Is Not Enough

from Anarchists Worldwide

After Ori Feibush’s house was vandalized in late July, conversations sparked again in Philly about whether the attack constituted violence whether it was justified. Feibush – the widely-hated founder of OCF Realty, who for many years has been shamelessly spearheading the gentrification of Point Breeze – has few defenders, which presents the opportunity for one of the better dialogues communicating why targeted property destruction might be happening and why it might be effective.

The conversation about this latest OCF vandalism – in which most people commenting online reacted positively to the news – was heartening. It suggested that something has qualitatively changed in how people are understanding property destruction and why it makes sense. In the long battle over this topic in this country, which from my vantage point has been raging since Occupy Wall Street, perhaps we have finally gained some ground.

But if we’re gaining ground in one battle, it’s probably because we’re quietly losing in another, more important one. If we’re finally winning the conversation about property destruction, maybe it’s partly because it is no longer relevant.

Before the Trump era – especially during the Clinton and Bush years, when the world seemed to have reached a global consensus that capitalism and the nation state were awesome – property destruction was especially dangerous to power in that it disturbed the social peace, serving as a reminder that things were not in fact awesome at all. As Trump took hold of the state, grassroots white supremacists also gained power, and anti-authoritarian struggles became focused on countering their presence in the streets. This has made discussions of physical violence relevant again for the first time in decades. Yet give the opportunities this has presented for us to put forth various ideas about violence, it seems like we’ve accomplished disappointingly little regarding this important topic.

Instead, we’ve arguably lost some ground by ceding the conversation to “self-defense” justifications of physical violence and by discussing violence almost exclusively with regard to people whom internet leftists like to call “Actual Nazis.” It is not a radical discussion to think punching a nazi is okay, and it is not a victory that after much internet discussion we’ve gotten many people to take up this non-radical position. While conversations about why and how we’re fighting white supremacists are important, the exclusive focus on discussing violence against grassroots racists is conveniently derailing us from talking about what kind of violence might be necessary and appropriate against the people who are actually in power.

Today power is in a state of crisis that I have not seen in my lifetime. Global capitalism is in search of a lifeline it may not find; the climate is already spiraling out of human control, with genocidal consequences. We have a president who is unprecedentedly unpopular with at least half of the population, which in turn reflects the increasing polarization of the country between left and right as capitalism and the state increasingly fail us all. As things become more extreme, this means we and other people who lean anti-authoritarian will be up against racist militias, who are often military-trained and organized to respond to crisis scenarios. Right now it’s hard to imagine our side winning such fights, and we need to talk about how to do more to move towards not being immediately crushed by white supremacists in a crisis or collapse scenario.

And what about the kind of violence, death, and destruction that will likely happen in the course of liberation? It seems like many people genuinely think that radical electoral politics will gradually move us closer to revolutionary transformation. Others – maybe some of the same people – believe that mass social movements will develop to such an extent that physical violence will be negligible in the revolution they will eventually produce. These outcomes seem highly unlikely, if only because the state seems willing to do almost anything rather than lose power. But those of us who want to get rid of the state – and all kinds of power over others – rarely discuss, whether ethically or practically, how we imagine dealing with the kind of violence that will be necessary for an insurrection or revolution to spread or succeed.

It is especially rare that this conversation leaves the realm of ethics and enters into practicalities. Anarchist attempts to take up physical violence against power have a long history, including in this country – from assassinating presidents to shooting up corporate bosses. What can we learn from the strategies and tactics of the past? And what about other people who get caught up in the crossfire of insurrectionary violence? Avoiding such conversations in order to appeal to liberals and leftists isn’t doing us any favors – it just adds to the impression that many of us do not really want to deal with the problems involved with enacting violence.

As anti-authoritarians, we often get stuck in dialogues with other that keep us stuck in limited, reactive mode – for example, all the conversations in which we are asked to defend our vast and unrealistic critiques of the system. How can we be more intentional about what we want to be talking about and what ideas do we want to be spreading? Let’s not be afraid to challenge the questions themselves and change the terms of the conversation – which like everything else are convenient for power.

Let’s also consider what we’re capable of and what we can each contribute to stopping this system of power – or at least parts of it – before its genocidal effects make these hypothetical questions about violence posed to anarchists completely irrelevant. Some of us may focus on attack; some of us might focus on developing skills and infrastructure that will keep each other safer and healthier as attack succeeds and/or the system we’re fighting deteriorates. Let’s point our skills and passion towards liberation.

Responses to any of the questions or ideas brought up in this opinion piece are welcome! Write to anathemaphl(at)riseup(dot)net

(From Anathema Volume IV Issue V, September 2019)

Note from Anarchists Worldwide: The photo accompanying this article was randomly sourced from the internet and is used for illustrative purposes only – it did not accompany the original version of this article.

Statement of the hospital and the refinery.

from Philly IWW

We, the Philadelphia General Membership Branch of the Industrial Workers of the World, condemn the eventual closing of Hahnemann Hospital in Center City, Philadelphia, as well as the safety and environmental negligence that led to the explosion at the Energy Solutions Refinery in South Philadelphia on June 21st.

The assets of Hahnemann Hospital have been gradually stripped away by a private equity firm, which did not seek any improvements or reinvestments in the hospital. Patients in the United States continue to deal with private insurance companies that do not cover the total costs of their clients’ health care. Real estate developer Joel Freedman bought the hospital and has plans to sell the building for the development of high-cost real estate. Hahnemann Hospital provides care for many low-income and unhoused patients; these patients are to be moved to other area hospitals, which may burden and disrupt Philadelphia’s healthcare networks and the working class people they serve. Hahnemann employs doctors, nurses, cleaning staff, record keepers, security guards and other workers to maintain the hospital and provide care for patients; these workers will lose their jobs and livelihoods in the event of a closure. We support the efforts of unions such as the Pennsylvania Association of Staff Nurses and Allied Professionals, or PASNAP, along with other unions and supporters in taking action against the closing of the hospital. The Philadelphia GMB, however, is wary of politicians that promise to stop the closure, or who use the cause to strengthen their campaigns. This is only one of many hospital closures in urban and rural areas in the United States for similar reasons.

The explosion at the Energy Solutions refinery in Southwest Philadelphia was partially caused by the company’s neglect of basic safety and environmental standards. The company should compensate both the community members affected by the explosion and the hazardous chemicals that were released, and the workers who will be made jobless due to the destruction of the plant. The Philadelphia IWW GMB calls for the company to liquidate itself to pay for these damages, and rejects calls for the plant to return to the hazardous fossil fuel industry. The workers in these industries, including those who formerly worked for the Energy Solutions Refinery, should be retrained to work in less hazardous industries.

Both of these closures represent a glaring failure and the inability of the capitalist system to meet the needs of the people and workers. The price of healthcare necessities has risen unchecked and basic safety precautions in a potentially deadly plant are phased out as too costly, all while CEOs and the stock market make record profits. These are not isolated incidents: this is the logical outcome of a system that demands continuous growth. This system must be stopped and the workers themselves, not politicians or NGOs, are the only ones with the power to do so. We must organize now for the abolition of wage slavery and the preservation of what is left of our environment.

Anarchy Afternoons: The First Umbrella

from Facebook

This week we will be hanging out at A-space open hours as usual with coffee and snacks. Also we will be watching Umbrella Diaries: the First Umbrella, a documentary on the origins of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong of 2014.

Protests in Hong Kong continue even after the withdrawal of the extradition bill as american anarchists continue to follow the events, debate their relationship to it, and learn from the innovative tactics. We will be watching this documentary to understand a bit more about the context and history behind the current protests.

Open Hours begin at 1pm
Film begins at 3:00
Intermission at 4:00
Second half at 4:30

[September 13 from 1PM to 6PM at A-Space Anarchist Community Center]

Anathema Volume 5 Issue 5

from Anathema

Volume 5 Issue 5 (PDF for reading 8.5×11)

Volume 5 Issue 5 (PDF for printing 11×17)

In this issue:

  • Terrorist or Freedom Fighter? (Antifa)
  • Anti-Social Anarchism Or Lifestyle Anarchism
  • New Trends In Anti-Development
  • Property Destruction Is Not Enough
  • What Went Down
  • Vaughn 17 Birthdays
  • Standing Rock Interview
  • World News
  • Solidarity With El Tripa
  • Nazi Scum Got Run

Guard says staff put down ‘full-blown riot’ at Delco prison Monday

from Mainstream Media

Issues of inmate misbehavior have escalated at George W. Hill Prison, with a “full-blown riot” taking place Monday afternoon during an air conditioner malfunction, according to one guard speaking on condition of anonymity.

“I’ve been there almost 20 years and it was the worst experience I’ve ever seen in my life working at Delaware County prison,” said another guard. “It was horrible. It was unsafe.”

“Two entire blocks refused to lock in,” said one guard. “One was able to lock in with verbal commands, the other refused with verbal commands.”

A guard said multiple staff members entered Block 7 – where at least two other violent incidents have occurred in the last month between inmates and guards – in an effort to show a willingness to use force if prisoners did not comply.

Inmates instead donned shoes and tore up bed sheets, wrapping them around their heads to protect themselves from pepper spray, according to the guard. When it became clear the inmates were prepared for a fight, the guard said staff was removed from the block and a Correctional Emergency Response Team – or CERT – was mobilized with pepper ball guns – essentially paintball guns in which the balls are filled with mace.

“We had to shoot multiple inmates,” he said. “A minimum of 26 inmates were shot with pepper balls.”

The guard said batons were also used to quell the inmates. Use of force lasted approximately 15 minutes before the block was brought under control, he said. All told, the standoff lasted about an hour.

A spokesperson for the Geo Group, the private, for-profit company managing the prison for the county, said the claims of the incident were exaggerated and “made by individuals with the intention of disrupting the safe operational flow of the facility.”

“Staff responded to a small group of disruptive inmates that were repeatedly non-compliant,” the spokesperson said. “All policies and procedures were implemented to maintain the safety for the staff and inmates until the issue was resolved.”

An interior report of the incident indicates the call came in at 3 p.m. Monday that two pods were refusing to lock in. Approximately 20 officers and sergeants responded. Guards explained there was some maintenance work ongoing on the roof and one of the pods was locked in without issue, according to the report.

The report says the second pod, consisting of 44 inmates, did not move when ordered and began displaying aggressive behavior, including “over talking the Sergeant and making comments of threats of fighting.”

The report indicates the last staff member out of the block dispersed MK-9 pepper spray to saturate the area, but further attempts to communicate with the inmates in the block were unsuccessful.

The report says there were still 26 inmates refusing to comply when the CERT team entered and used pepper balls in an effort to regain control. Guards ordered everyone to lie down on the ground but only half complied, according to the report.

“It just turned into an all-out war,” said one guard who accompanied the CERT team, coughing and gagging as he fought with inmates. “They were not going down without a fight. It was unbelievably scary … It was like something you see out of TV.”

The remaining 13 inmates were eventually subdued and handcuffed, and all prisoners in the block were strategically taken to medical for examination. A sweep of the pod’s dayroom later uncovered a makeshift knife, or shiv, according to the report.

“I’ve been there so long and I said, ‘It’s not if it’s going to happen, it’s when,’ because we’re so short staffed,” said one guard. “People blow this off and we’ve been saying it for years: It’s an unsafe place to work and no one cares and it’s awful. It’s an awful, scary place.”

A sergeant had previously been beaten with handcuffs and required hospitalization during a routine morning inspection Aug. 5 on that same block, and several inmates reportedly used heavy plastic trays to beat another inmate there Aug. 26.

The trays were eventually flung at a nurse and guard, who were trapped on the block for several minutes while backup was called in, according to one guard.

Inmates on that block had been placed on altered recreation last week, allowing guards to stagger exercise releases by tier or parts of tiers so they are easier to control, according to the guard. The block was supposed to remain on altered recreation until Saturday, he said, but was taken off early.

“Then this happened,” he said. “It’s just getting worse and worse in this place. It’s just got everything to do with how short-staffed it is in this place and the inmates are taking over.”

Delaware County Council Chairman John McBlain said he had spoken to Superintendent John Reilly Monday and Tuesday, and it was his understanding that a problem with an air conditioning compressor led about 20 inmates to refuse to go into their cells during a count, but the temperatures did not climb above 75 degrees.

“Ultimately the CERT team did go down and ushered everyone back in,” he said. “As these things go, it went well. You never want to have a situation where the inmates are not compliant with the rules there, but it sounds like they did a very good job of moving everybody back in. Every one of the inmates was taken to medical to be fully examined afterwards and there were no issues.”

McBlain said it was his understanding that there had been issues with drugs on that block over the summer, but he said Warden David Byrne had met with everyone on the block last week.

“They said today that they were analyzing whatever the reports were, talking to CID about it,” said McBlain. “I know the superintendent indicated there was a block representative for the inmates and he met with him yesterday and today.”

One guard said the inmates on Block 7 are inmates that are heading upstate, and the majority of them have done state time before. Another said that means they can’t be mixed into other areas of the prison to relieve tension on the block and the prison is too overcrowded to accommodate transfers at any rate.

Representatives for the Geo Group met with local prison guards and members of the International Union, Security, Police and Fire Professionals of America to discuss staffing and training issues approximately two weeks ago.

But one guard reports that corrections officers are still being forced to work 16-hour shifts every other day as staffing problems persist, leading to safety issues for both guards and inmates. An inmate was found unresponsive on the morning of July 31 in an apparent suicide and two other inmates in the work release unit suffered non-fatal overdoses over the weekend of Aug. 24. Geo has not released the name of the suicide victim.

“These kinds of incidents happen because there’s just not enough staff to control the prison,” said one guard. “There are guys who have hundreds of hours of overtime getting mandated (for double shifts) every other day. You’re basically a walking zombie.”

“And then if you’re a little bit late, they write you up,” said another guard.

McBlain said the county keeps in constant contact with the superintendent and warden, and he does not know that staffing has been a particular issue at the facility, though he added it is always a challenge in the field of corrections.

“In general, it seems it’s been questioned whether the entire atmosphere, regarding the anti-prison groups and whatnot, encouraging individuals to create problems because they know all these things will be printed,” he said. “That seems to be on the uptick.”

But two longtime guards said the reality on the ground is that staff are not being given the resources they require to do their job safely and they fear someone is going to die.

One guard said this incident “absolutely” could have turned into a hostage situation and he fears a repeat of the 2017 uprising at James T. Vaughn Correctional Center in Smyrna, Del., that resulted in the death of Officer Steven Floyd.

“This was just the beginning,” he said. “Now they’re prepared. They tested us and now they’re going to do it again, because they know we’re short staffed. I’ve been there long enough and I’ve seen enough to know that will happen. A CO is going to die.”

Black Anarchism and the Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement

from Facebook

A discussion focusing on Black anarchism highlighting the work of Kuwasi Balagoon and Russell Maroon Shoatz. What does Black anarchism mean in the 21st century? Why is it important? Where does Black anarchism fit into our current movement work today? What is the connection between abolitionist politics and the politics of Black anarchy? How does the Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement fall into this?
[September 13th at 7 pm at Wooden Shoe 704 South St]

Contact & Submissions Update

We have updated our Contact & Submissions page with our PGP public key. If you would like to send us encrypted email our public key can be found there.

-Philly Anti-Cap

Anarchy Afternoons: back from hiatus w/ 2 films

from Facebook

This week we will be watching 2 short videos from Sub.Media. One concerns the age old question “What is Violence?” The other is the timely back-to-school episode “Learning to Resist,” looking at student movements.

The main aim of Anarchy Afternoons is to function as regular open hours at A-space, an anarchist social center. There is usually coffee, snacks, zines to read, and people to talk to.

After a summer hiatus, we are returning to our regular open hours this Friday with more emphasis on programming and intentional discussion. Each week, we will be either watching videos, discussing a reading, or (occasionally) having short presentations. Beyond this week, there is no fixed schedule so if you have ideas for content, please share.

Open Hours begin at 1pm//Videos begin around 3pm

[September 6 from 1PM-6PM at A-Space Anarchist Community Center]

Question of Forces: Interview on Community College Labor Struggle in Philadelphia

from It’s Going Down

Anarchists in Philadelphia conducted an interview with a teacher at a community college following a successful contract fight.

In April, the union of teachers and staff at the Community College of Philadelphia won an important victory: a contract fighting off many of the years-long attacks from the administration.

Administrators had been pushing aggressively for higher workloads for teachers while at the same time attacking healthcare for all employees at the college. The Faculty and Staff Federation (AFT Local 2026) mobilized and pushed back, ultimately preparing for a strike. In response, the administration threatened to cut health insurance for all employees -an attack on the most vulnerable workers at the college and a transparent attempt to divide and conquer.

But the impending strike brought admins back to the table, and a new contract was signed. In the compromise that followed, the union won a workload reduction and the administration backed off a number of threatened healthcare cost increases, as well as agreeing to a pay increase for staff. But the union victory was partial. For example, Yusefa Smith notes in the union’s press release:

We didn’t win on class-size. I’m still teaching 36 students per class … At Montco and Bucks [other Philadelphia area community colleges], it’s 27-28 students per class. But we did win some workload reductions, which is a victory for our students. But we will keep fighting on class size.

The following is an interview with a union activist member of the full-time faculty at CCP. They wished to remain anonymous. We asked what lessons other campus workers can learn from the union struggle at CCP.

Can you summarize some of the important background regarding the recent CCP union struggle?

Sure thing. Before we get started, though, I should say upfront that I’m not an official union (or college) spokesperson, and the views I’m expressing here are solely my own.

Our union represents about 1,200 workers at Community College of Philadelphia and is composed of three bargaining units: the full-time faculty unit, the part-time and visiting lecturer faculty unit, and the classified employees unit, which includes many of the non-faculty workers at the college.

The collective bargaining agreement at CCP has historically been a pretty good one thanks to the work of our union going back to the 1970s. In recent years, the upper administration of the college and the board of trustees have sought to chip away at it. The most recent contract negotiations, which began around 2016, represented a continuation of that trend.

The college administration began negotiations by proposing that we accept several deeply concessionary proposals which would have negatively affected educational quality and made it more difficult to attract and retain a diverse faculty, among other things. The administration’s demands were wide-ranging and would have affected workload, joint governance, pay, and benefits. The admin basically wanted us to give up significant past victories in all those areas and more. The admin’s opening proposals would have meant some of the lowest paid workers at the college would have remained woefully underpaid. They also would have seriously undermined shared governance at the college, to the detriment of our students and everyone who works at the college. We were able to fend off many of these proposed changes but unfortunately not all of them.

In the last few years, teacher strikes have been kicking off, with an important rank-and-file power making itself felt within them. How do you see faculty/staff struggles at colleges fitting into that bigger picture of teacher strikes? What can we learn? Why is it important to struggle for worker rights on campuses?

This is a great and complex question, and I’m not sure I know the full answer. But there are some things I see in common when I look at labor action by education workers, whether they are early childhood educators, K-12, or higher ed workers.

First, I think it’s important to recognize that “education workers” means more than just teachers. At CCP our union represents faculty members, but it also represents the non-faculty workers who help the college run. This is one of the things I like best about our union.

Second, I think the struggles of education workers are inextricably tied up with the struggles of our students. We want schools that are good places to work and to teach, and our students deserve schools that are good places to learn.

Third, I think victories for education unions are important for the economy as a whole. Each one helps shape the labor market we all work in, and the labor market our students work in or will work in.

On a related note, I think the struggle we’re seeing between education workers and those who would try to control us is related to the question of the purpose of our schools. Are our schools going to be places where students learn the bare minimum of the basic skills they need to serve corporations and governments? Or are our schools going to be places where students are able to really develop themselves as whole people, meaningfully reflect on history and the present, and begin to develop solutions to the problems that are important to them? If it’s the latter (and I think the future health of our society depends on it being the latter), that’s going to take resources, and I think, unfortunately, it’s fallen to education workers, students, and community allies to have to fight for those resources.

I think the root cause of a lot of the strikes and other discontent I’m seeing among education workers is the result of government underinvestment in public education as a result of neoliberal austerity and the related rise of the notion that “schools should be run like businesses.” This is particularly salient and pernicious in institutions that are supposed to serve historically underserved populations.

I think the response is for education workers, students, parents, and community members to demand full and fair funding of all of our systems of public education. I would like to see education workers’ unions at the forefront of that.

What strategies did you see the administration using against the workers/union in recent months/years? What were some of the more effective ways campus workers responded?

Even people who had been at the college for a long time said this was the most inflexible and unreasonable they’ve seen a CCP administration be in negotiations. The administration’s tactics ranged from the sort of typical corporate anti-union crap you’d expect, to the sometimes bizarrely petty, to the really despicable threat they made to cut off the health insurance of everyone who went on strike.

The threat against the health insurance of anyone who went on strike I found especially odious. The administration made it against people who, in some cases, were making less than $15 an hour and who qualify for public assistance for food. We have union members who are on chemotherapy or who have family members on chemotherapy. We have members with high-risk pregnancies. We have members whose children have disabilities that require ongoing treatment. For the administration to threaten to suspend these people’s health insurance in retaliation for striking I found to be really disgraceful. I’m not sure what the college administration’s plan is now to try to come back from that and credibly claim to be leaders of the college, other than in an authoritarian way.

Our union’s response to this threat was to help our members understand how they could remain insured through COBRA or by purchasing their own health insurance. But I think this also underscores the importance to future labor struggle of universal government-provided health insurance.

For the years these negotiations were going on the administration spent I can only imagine how much of the college’s money on an outside law firm to represent and advise them. They also did strange things like order our union posters taken down from college bulletin boards. While we couldn’t outspend the administration on lawyers, since, you know, we were spending our own dues money instead of taxpayer and student dollars, the union does have a negotiations and strike fund and a lawyer of our own. As far as the posters being taken down: Well, there are more of us than there are of them, so we just put them back up.

The administration did other things, too. My understanding is that there was an agreement to keep the exact content of negotiation sessions mostly private, but the administration seemed to not fully abide by that. They’d cherry pick what they thought were the best parts of their proposals and put them out in public and email them to all the students. They’d use this to try to further their narrative that the union was being unreasonable. I think a good response to this for next time would be to have open bargaining.

Another thing the administration tried to do was to drive wedges between our bargaining units. Like I mentioned, two of our bargaining units represent faculty members, while the third one represents non-faculty workers at the college. I think the administration tried to take advantage of this in several ways. One thing they did was focus very intensely on proposals they had for increased workload for faculty. Faculty fought back against this, and I think the administration then tried to say, or at least imply, to the non-faculty workers something along the lines of, “See, the faculty are holding up your contract by fighting us over workload.” I can’t speak for everyone, but I think this sort of “divide and rule” tactic was pretty transparent, and in the end we stuck together and signed three contracts together, as we traditionally have. I think maintaining and increasing solidarity, communication, and camaraderie between and within the three bargaining units is going to be important for our union going forward. I think an important part of that is going to be committing to making our union a more actively anti-racist union, as there are different racial demographics in the different bargaining units.

What worked best in your struggle? What do you think were the most effective strategies and tactics?

I think the foundation of the most successful elements of our campaign were organizing conversations. These are conversations where union members volunteer to talk to other union members about what they’re thinking and feeling and what they’d like to see happen with our union. I think these are important for so many reasons. They build trust and relationships, and they allow union leadership to understand what members want in an in-depth way and make decisions accordingly.

Another important part of our effort was making it clear how what we were fighting for would be beneficial for students and the larger community. The Bargaining for the Common Good Network does a great job of describing this method of campaigning, and we used a lot from their framework in organizing our own efforts.

We received some political support from some members of state and local government, but when it came down to it, it was our demonstrated willingness to strike if needed that caused real change at the bargaining table.

What role did students play in the strike? How crucial are students as a support system for education workers struggling on a college campus?

From my perspective, students played a huge role.

First, on a personal note, I was deeply touched by how supportive my students were when I told them we might go on strike. I was worried they might see a potential strike as a betrayal on the part of their teachers, but almost none of my students seemed to think about it that way. Obviously, we all wanted to avoid a strike if we could, but my students were really clear that they’d be in support of me and the union if it came to a strike. I can’t fully describe how much that meant to me, just on a personal level.

Secondly, the possibility of a strike meant there was a lot of discussion on campus about strikes and unions. Some of this was between union members and students. Some of it was students talking to other students. Some of this was in class. Some of it was outside of class. But, all in all, I’d say the possibility of a strike led to a greater awareness among the students about unions and their power and importance. I remember one of my students saying something in one of our class discussions like, “Wait, so you can just say ‘no’ to what your bosses want to do? We gotta get a union at my work.”

Some students became actively involved in support of our contract campaign, contacting local politicians, the college president, and the college board of trustees. Some showed up at our demonstrations. Some talked about running for student government and trying to address the same issues with the college that the union wants addressed regarding things like funding, resources for students, and class sizes. It was really inspiring and touching for me to see our students become aware and active around these issues like many of them did. I think this may have been one of the best aspects of the contract campaign for me.

What main lessons do you think other education workers struggling in Philly and beyond could learn from what’s been happening at CCP recently?

So much happened. I think I am still processing and learning from everything that happened. But right now, these are the things that stand out as lessons I learned:

The importance of ongoing one-on-one organizing conversations between members as an organizing strategy that builds solidarity, camaradiere, and communication.

The importance of using a Bargaining For The Common Good framework where the union makes clear how what the union is fighting for will benefit the greater community. In our case, this was things like fighting for full funding for the college, smaller class sizes, more resources for students, and a more diverse faculty at the college.

Start organizing and preparing to strike early. Like years early. Our current contract ends in three years, and we have already begun our campaign for the next one.

Don’t underestimate how much work it is. I didn’t formally count, but I am sure our contract campaign required literally thousands of work hours.

At least in our situation, the negotiating at the bargaining table seemed to be more about power than debate. It didn’t seem to really matter whether we had reason, logic, evidence, and well-crafted arguments for our proposals. It seemed to come down to whether we could demonstrate enough power to force the other side to have to change their position. As an academic observing negotiations at an academic institution, I found this particularly disappointing, but I guess here we are in late capitalism.

Political allies are nice, but it’s the threat of a strike that is the source of your power.

I hope this is all helpful information.

Running Down The Walls

from Philly ABC

Download posters and flyers

September 7th, 2019
11 am sharp (Yoga warm-up at 10am)
FDR Park

Philadelphia Anarchist Black Cross presents our second annual Running Down The Walls (RDTW)! Join us for another revolutionary 5K run/walk/bike/skate and day of solidarity. If you would like to participate in light yoga and warm-up stretches before, please arrive by 10am and bring a mat if you can.

Running is not required! You can also walk, bike, skate or roll. 5K is two loops around the park and at a walking pace will take about 45-60 minutes. Light refreshments and socializing will take place in the park afterward.

This year’s event is co-sponsored by Never Give Up! – a project to free the remaining incarcerated members of the MOVE 9, and sustain their long-term post-release support. Following the release of his parents, Mike Africa Jr. founded Never Give Up! to alleviate the financial strain of rebuilding life after decades of imprisonment. When his uncle Chuck Africa beat colon cancer, the project aligned with the broader, ongoing fight against cancer.

The Move organization has never given up. Not after their house was flooded, gassed, and riddled with bullets. Not after the police deployed explosives and let them burn alive. Not after the PADOC murdered Phil and Merle Africa.

After 40 years in prison and never giving up on their beliefs or each other, Debbie was released on parole on June 16th 2018, soon after followed by Mike Africa Sr. on October 23rd. Janet and Janine were released on May 25th, 2019 and then Eddie on June 21st.  Next up for parole are Delbert this September and Chuck in November.

As their supporters, we too never give up! Philadelphia RDTW 2019 is dedicated to amplifying their voices, lifting them up in their struggles, and maintaining material post-release support.

If you cannot make it to the event or would like to make an additional contribution, please sponsor a participant either outside prison or inside or one of each. Contact us for more information on sponsoring!

Proceeds will be split between the Warchest Program and the Never Give Up project. The ABCF Warchest program sends monthly stipends to Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War who have insufficient, little, or no financial support.